Search

ahmadiyyafactcheckblog

Search results

"Khwaja"

“””Africa’s Muslim Authorities and Ahmadis: Curbed Freedoms, Circumvented Legalities””” by Muhammed Haron professor of Religious Studies at the University of Botswana and an Associate Researcher at the University of Stellenbosch

Intro
Ahmadiyya was used by the British Government to get the Muslims of India, Africa and many other countries.  In fact, MGA told Ahmadi’s to pray for the success of the British Government, who were vicious colonizers.   In this work, he explains how the British government used Ahmadiyya to convert common Muslims.  Christianity wasn’t working to convert Muslims, thus, the British government partnered with Ahmadiyya as a method to subjugate the masses in Africa to support and defend colonialism.  In this academic work, he refers to Lahori-Ahmadi’s as simply “Ahmadi’s”, whereas the Qadiani-Ahmadi’s are called Qadiani’s.  Dr. Balogan is another famous college professor from Africa who wrote academically about Ahmadiyya.

Who is Muhammed Haron?
We have found an essay by Muhammed Haron who is a professor of Religious Studies at the University of Botswana and an Associate Researcher at the University of Stellenbosch. He is editor of University of Cape Town’s Annual Review of Islam in Africa and the Editor-in-Chief of Duke University’s online Research Africa Reviews. He co-edited Muslim Higher Education in Postcolonial Africa (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016) and co-edited Proceedings of the 2016 Islamic Civilization in Southern Africa Congress (Istanbul: IRCICA, 2018).  Pages 60-74 | Published online: 11 Dec 2018.

The academic essay
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15570274.2018.1535048?af=R&

The Ahmadiyya Community (hereafter Ahmadis) encountered difficulties to freely express their beliefs and creeds in both Muslim majority societies and Muslim minority communities. Since the Ahmadis are among those communities that departed from the traditional Muslim theological position, the traditional Muslim authorities curbed their beliefs and practices through the issuing of fatwas. In response the Ahmadis tried to avoid being harassed and persecuted by seeking ways of circumventing the legalities. This article evaluates the theological clashes that occasionally occurred between the Ahmadis and these Muslim authorities in African settings where religious communities have generally experienced relative religious freedom.

Freedom of religion or belief is not just an optional extra, or nice to have; it is the key human right. It allows everyone to follow their conscience in the way they see fit. Baroness Anelay of St Johns, 16 July 2015

Over the many decades, Muslim communities like other religious communities the world over have encountered external and internal challenges. On the external front, these communities have been challenged by Islamophobic outbursts across Europe and in other Western regions (Wajahat Ali et al. 2011Wajahat Ali et al. 2011Fear Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in AmericaWashington, DCCentre for American

Progress.https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/religion/report/2011/08/26/10165/fear-inc/Fear, Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America],“ Wajahat Ali, Eli Clifton, Matthew Duss, Lee Fang, Scott Keyes, and Faiz Shakir. [Google Scholar]; Bayrakli and Hafez 2016Bayrakli, Enes, and Farid Hafez, eds. 2016European Islamophobia Report 2015Istanbul & Washington, DCSETA. [Google Scholar]),11 This term refers to anti-Muslim rhetoric that has been studies by various individuals and groups over the past few years. Interesting texts that cover this phenomenon is the report by Wajahat Ali et al. Fear Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America (Wajahat Ali et al. 2011Wajahat Ali et al. 2011Fear Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in AmericaWashington, DCCentre for American Progress.https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/religion/report/2011/08/26/10165/fear-inc/Fear, Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America],“ Wajahat Ali, Eli Clifton, Matthew Duss, Lee Fang, Scott Keyes, and Faiz Shakir. [Google Scholar]) and European Islamophobia Report 2015 (Bayrakli and Hafez 2016Bayrakli, Enes, and Farid Hafez, eds. 2016European Islamophobia Report 2015Istanbul & Washington, DCSETA. [Google Scholar]).View all notes and internally they have been confronted by numerous intra-religious differences and theological disagreements. These have, in turn, given rise to public dissensions and discord that caused the majority of adherents under traditionally minded religious leaders to pursue a policy of “ostrakonophobia.”22 This researcher searched the long list of words that describe the various phobias and he was unable to find a word that captures the “fear of being ostracized.” He thus coined this term that he derived from the Greek word: ostrakon (visit: www.fearof.net and www.phobialist.com).View all notes By this, it is meant that they applied an ad hoc policy that, to some extent, struck fear in the hearts and minds of individuals and groups who dreaded being publicly ostracized, shunned, repudiated, banned, and excluded.

Many historical examples come to the fore when reflecting upon intra-religious conflict among Muslim communities residing in (for example, Pakistan [Saeed 2007Saeed, Sadia. 2007. “Pakistani Nationalism and the State Marginalisation of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan.” Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 7 (3): 132152. doi: 10.1111/j.1754-9469.2007.tb00166.x[Crossref] [Google Scholar]], Talbot 2007Talbot, Ian. 2007. “Religion and Violence: The Historical Context for Conflict in Pakistan.” In Religion and Violence in South Asia: Theory and Practice, edited by John Hinnels and RichardKing147163LondonRoutledge. [Google Scholar]) and outside (for example, Indonesia [Panggabean 2016Panggabean, Samsu R. 2016. “Policing Sectarian Conflict in Indonesia: The Case of Shi’ism.” In Religion, Law and Intolerance in Indonesia, edited by Tim Lindsey, and HelenPausacker271288LondonRoutledge.[Crossref] [Google Scholar]; Schafer 2018Schafer, Saskia. 2018. “Ahmadis or Indonesians? The Polarization of Post-Reform Public Debates on Islam and Orthodoxy.” Critical Asian Studies 50 (1): 1636. doi: 10.1080/14672715.2017.1404925[Taylor & Francis Online][Web of Science ®] [Google Scholar]]) the Muslim heartlands. More than a century ago, for example, two groups, which emerged within pre-dominantly Muslim states, namely Iran and Pakistan (Jamil 2002Jamil, Uzma. 2002. “Minorities and ‘Islamic States’: Explaining Bahai and Ahmadi Marginalization.” Unpublished MA Thesis., McGill University. [Google Scholar]), were theologically ostracized from the house of Islam. At the end of the 19th century, among the first to be rejected for their philosophy and religious outlook was Baha’ullah (d.1892) and the Baha’i faith adherents (Buck 2003Buck, Christopher. 2003. “Islam and Minorities: The Case of the Bahai’s.” Studies in Contemporary Islam 1 (2): 86103. [Google Scholar]). The second group to be repudiated for their beliefs were the Ahmadis,33 The Ahmadis are also referred to the Lahoris and they have been challenged by their theological siblings, namely the Qadiyanis who consider themselves the authentic followers of Mirza.View all notes whose founder was Mirza Ghulam Ahmed (d.1908 hereafter referred to as “Mirza”).44 Ehsan Rehan reported on November 12, 2017 that Allama Iqbal Bahisti, who was the secretary general of Majlis Wahdat—e-Muslimin and a key Shi’ite theologian, warned about the dangers that both the Bahais and Ahmadis posed; this is rather ironic during the current period knowing that many theologians in the Sunni world have also condemned the Shi’ites to be outside the fold of Islam! Ehsan Rehan, “Pakistani Shia Cleric Warns of Dangers Posed by Baha’is & Ahmadis,” Rabwah Times, 12 November 2017. See Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishàat Islam Lahore Inc. U.S.A. “Ahmadiyya Movement Contrasted with the Bahai Religion.” http://www.muslim.org/intro/bah.htm and Fuad Al-Attar, “The Difference between Ahmadis and Bahais.” Ahmadiyya: Inviting to Islam (blog), 7 January 2012. The latter provides a simplistic comparative view.View all notes The respective religious leaders of these two nascent groups offered divergent understandings of revelation and prophecy (Jamil 2002Jamil, Uzma. 2002. “Minorities and ‘Islamic States’: Explaining Bahai and Ahmadi Marginalization.” Unpublished MA Thesis., McGill University. [Google Scholar]).

The Baha’is and Qadiyanis, according to their respective founders’ claims and their ardent followers’ understandings, held the view that they were indeed recipients of revelation; and they were hence inspired prophets. They were somewhat similar to and on par with the earlier prophets who were sent by God. Related to this Khan (2015Khan, Adil H. 2015From Sufism to Ahmadiyya: A Muslim Minority Movement in South AsiaBloomingtonIndiana University Press. [Google Scholar]) mentioned that Mirza, however, regarded himself as a non-legislative prophet; but despite this self-understanding the Qadiyanis’ theological rivals, the Ahmadis, with whom they engaged in semantic squabbles over the use and interpretation of terminologies in the end split and charted out a theological path of their own (Khan 2015Khan, Adil H. 2015From Sufism to Ahmadiyya: A Muslim Minority Movement in South AsiaBloomingtonIndiana University Press. [Google Scholar]). Nonetheless, the theological assertions by both the Qadiyanis and Ahmadis contradicted the declarations made by religious authorities of the Ahl-As-Sunna wa-al-Jama’at(ASJ) (People Who Follow the Prophetic Path and Unity),55 Though popularly referred to as the ‘Ulama[that is, the learned scholars], in this essay they will be referred as Muslim theologians or alternatively as religious authorities.View all notes who represent the majority interpretation. The ASJ hold onto the uncompromising view that Prophet Muhammad was God’s last messenger who was the recipient of God’s final message, namely the Qur’an. So, from an orthodox Muslim perspective, this belief alongside the declaration that there is no other deity except God, is a non-negotiable principle. The ASJ and its representative theological bodies have thus continuously argued against the sacrilegious and heretical teachings of the Bahais and Qadiyanis/Ahmadis.

This article, which does not reflect on the Qadiyanis, gives its attention to the Ahmadis, who, oddly, see themselves theologically closer to ASJ. The Ahmadis, besides having set themselves apart from ASJ, also assumed the title Ahmadiyya Anjuman-i Isha῾at-i Islam in Lahore (Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement for the Propagation of Islam) to distinguish themselves from the Qadiyanis. As a modern reformist movement led by Maulana Muhammad Ali, who led the break-away faction from the Qadiyanis, the Ahmadis took on this identity to illustrate how different they are from others, and they thus strategically employed their resources to undertake mission to all and sundry. Since the Ahmadis considered mission as a central cog in their community’s philosophy and practice they dedicated themselves in this religious venture, and as a consequence they established branches globally and this included the African continent.

Though a section of this article assesses the relationship that developed between the Ahmadis and the orthodox African Muslim communities over much of the twentieth, it also hones in on the conflict that emerged between these two religious communities within environments where both experience degrees of freedom of religion or belief. Since it is beyond the article’s scope to discuss their relationship in all the African countries, it zooms in on specific cases that illustrate the nature of the conflict and the tendentious relationship that emerged in spite of the religious freedom that had been guaranteed by state constitutions. With this in mind, the article opens conceptualizing “Muslim authority” before it charts the Ahmadis’ social history in Africa.

Muslim Authority: Identity and Status

Whenever the collective Muslim leadership describes the communities that each of them represent, they do so by stressing their Sunni identity and by extension that they are Ahl-As-Sunna wa-al-Jama’at (ASJ). Even though it is rather difficult to trace and locate the exact origins of the term, its construction and employment were intended to distinguish themselves as a religious group from others such as the Shi’ites and Ibadis with whom they differed theologically and jurisprudentially. But since other religious minorities, such as the Baha’is and Ahmadis, emerged out of the house of Islam, they stressed its use in order to highlight their deep religious differences. Being in the majority, the ASJ adherents are generally represented by trained theologians and jurists. These individuals, who have been classified as “Muslim authorities” and who regard themselves as the prophet’s intellectual cum spiritual inheritors, appropriated their positions by, among other means, issuing fatwas (legal opinions) that act as guides in both majority Muslim societies (such as in West Africa) and in minority Muslim communities (such as East Africa) (Kramer and Schimdtke 2006Kramer, Gudren, and Sabine Schimdtke, eds. 2006Speaking for Islam: Religious Authorities in Muslim SocietiesLeidenE.J. Brill. Oguntayo, Ibrahim. 2016.https://www.vanguardngr.com/2016/11/future-ahmadiyya-nigeria-beyond-first-century/[Crossref] [Google Scholar]). Furthermore, these Muslim authorities see themselves as spokespersons on behalf of the Muslims, and as a result of their status they hold theological power and influence.

Since reference is being made to “Muslim authority” (or “religious authority”), it is necessary to briefly unpack the phrase and tie it in with the issues that will be discussed further in this essay. For the purpose of this section, one draws upon Kramer and Schimdtke’s (2006Kramer, Gudren, and Sabine Schimdtke, eds. 2006Speaking for Islam: Religious Authorities in Muslim SocietiesLeidenE.J. Brill. Oguntayo, Ibrahim. 2016.https://www.vanguardngr.com/2016/11/future-ahmadiyya-nigeria-beyond-first-century/[Crossref] [Google Scholar]) informative introduction. They state, “Religious authority is an elusive concept and notoriously difficult to define.” They explain this indefinable term through the ideas of sociologist Max Weber (d.1920) who described “authority … (as) the ability … to have one’s rules and rulings followed, or obeyed, without recourse to coercive power.” And they asserted that, “It is indeed the very absence of coercion that for Weber distinguishes authority (Autorität) from power (Macht).” Taking into account these theoretical notions associated with the term, they add that,

Religious authority can assume a number of forms and functions: the ability (chance, power, or right) to define correct belief and practice, or orthodoxy and orthopraxy, respectively; to shape and influence the views and conduct of others accordingly; to identify, marginalize, punish or exclude deviance, heresy and apostasy and their agents and advocates.

A careful scrutiny of their thoughts reminds one of the role that Muslim authorities play in Muslim societies: They are “agents of social change.” They are the ones who draw thick lines between belief and unbelief. They are individuals who highlight acts regarded as irregular and unacceptable. They are the theologians who point out aberrant thoughts that might lead to heresy or apostasy, as was the case with the Ahmadis (Kramer and Schimdtke 2006Kramer, Gudren, and Sabine Schimdtke, eds. 2006Speaking for Islam: Religious Authorities in Muslim SocietiesLeidenE.J. Brill. Oguntayo, Ibrahim. 2016.https://www.vanguardngr.com/2016/11/future-ahmadiyya-nigeria-beyond-first-century/[Crossref] [Google Scholar]).

From this, one can gauge that Muslim authority holds a critical position in Muslim society. Muslim authorities find themselves in that position because of the theological and jurisprudential knowledge that they accumulated in a recognized Muslim institution such as Saudi Arabia’s International Islamic University of Medina or Muslim theological seminary such as India’s Darul-Ulum Deoband. These institutions provide them with the license to pronounce over issues that are acceptable (halal) and non-acceptable (haram). In other words, they have been authorized to act in the interest of the Muslim society as a whole, and their position is viewed religiously legitimate, since they also hold “sacred power” through their interpretation of Islam’s primary sources, namely the Qur’an and hadith. They are, to word it differently, Islam’s gatekeepers or caretakers.

Being its caretakers means that they are indeed the ones who have the “right,” as inheritors of the mantle of the Prophets, to apply their minds to any aspect of Muslim law. They are the ones who may opine whether one may marry an Ahmadi or not, and they have the authority to consider and decide whether Ahmadis or other groups (such as the Baha’is) are Muslim or not Muslim. Since this is what many of them generally do, it is perhaps an opportune moment to turn to Africa, where Muslim authorities have resided for generations and where many fatwas have been issued against unorthodox individuals and groups. To address the theological conflicts that occurred and the juridical opinions that were issued with regards to the Ahmadi teachings on the African continent, the present analysis takes into account freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) policies (Hackett 2011Hackett, Rosalind. 2011. “Regulating Freedom of Religion in Africa.” Emory International Law Review25 (1): 854879. [Google Scholar]; See Simmie 3Simmie, Tsedenya. 2017Religious Freedom and Society in AfricaNew Haven, CTThe Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies, Yale University, 3 May. [Google Scholar] May 2017Simmie, Tsedenya. 2017Religious Freedom and Society in AfricaNew Haven, CTThe Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies, Yale University, 3 May. [Google Scholar]) that have been adopted across the continent. At this juncture and to that end, the essay provides a brief historical and demographic assessment of both Africa’s traditional Muslim communities and the nonconformist Ahmadi communities using a few case studies.

Africa’s Muslim Communities and the Ahmadis

Africa has been the home of Muslim communities for centuries and historical records clearly mentioned that Muslims made contact during the prophetic period in the seventh century. However, Muslims connected with East and West Africa later than that; ties with the former were made during the ninth and tenth centuries and with the latter during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. From then onwards, the nascent Muslim communities developed themselves and made immeasurable contributions to the continent. Apart from having made inputs to the continent’s economy, such as creating lively commercial trading centers along the Swahili-speaking Coastal areas, they also made substantial inputs to the production of literature in thriving intellectual cities such as Mali’s Timbuktu; and they, in addition, contributed towards the transformation of the regional languages such as Ki-Swahili, Fulfulde, Makhuwa, and Afrikaans through the use of the pliable Arabic script.

One may, therefore, argue that the assortment of Muslim communities that resided in different parts of the continent made an indelible input that no social historian or geographer can ignore. So, one may confidently state that between the ninth century and the 19th century Muslims made certain that they made qualitative inputs in all spheres and that they left their footprints in each sector from which subsequent generations could benefit; the plethora of yet unedited manuscripts in Timbuktu is a typical example. So, by the time the Ahmadis consciously extended their ideas beyond South Asia through dedicated mission during the early part of the 20th century, they found Muslim communities that were active, dynamic, and inventive (Fisher 1963Fisher, Humphrey. 1963Ahmadiyyah: A Study in Contemporary Islam on the West African CoastOxfordOxford University Press. [Google Scholar]). However, while one commends these Muslims for having made their mark continentally through their efforts in commerce and education, one also comes across sections of these Muslim communities that were ill-informed about all aspects of their religion; these adopted a syncretic approach that weaved in aspects of Islam into their practicing cultures.

African culture played a pivotal role in the make-up of their identity, and even though they were taught Islam’s basics, such as the performance of the obligatory rituals, they lacked knowledge of notions of God’s oneness and deeper theological cum jurisprudential issues—hence their reliance on the Muslim authorities who were equipped with theological and jurisprudential knowledge. At this point, one should perhaps take a closer look at the Ahmadis’ theology, which they subtly stressed and dexterously disseminated among some of Africa’s theologically defenseless Muslim communities. Long before the Ahmadis began their mission in earnest on the African continent, they had developed their ideas that were based on Mirza’s teachings in South Asia, particularly Pakistan, where “the movement”—as they sometimes described themselves—started. One may too opine that African Muslims were and perhaps still are somewhat ill-informed about the views of Mirza’s theological ideas and interpretation. This argument is based partially on a 2012 Pew Research Center survey that was concurrently undertaken in South Asian and Southeast Asian nations where Muslims were in the majority (e.g. Pakistan) or were were a significant minority (e.g. Thailand). If one looks at the data in the table below, one is intrigued by the statistics (Table 1) .

Table 1. Ahmadis—Muslims or not?

Taking Pakistan and Bangladesh as South Asian examples, one notes that 7 percent of the Pakistanis who were interviewed stated that Ahmadis were Muslims, in contrast with 40 percent of Bangladeshis who opined differently. When turning to Southeast Asia, the statistics revealed that 16 percent Malaysians and 12 percent Indonesians viewed Ahmadis to be Muslims, as opposed to 23 percent Malaysians and 78 percent Indonesians, who considered them not to be Muslims. Interestingly, the statistic showed that 70 percent Thai Muslims and 61 percent Malay Muslims had never heard of the Ahmadis. These are indeed justifiably high percentages compared to Bangladesh’s 28 percent and Pakistan’s 26 percent of Muslims who had never heard of Ahmadis—these being two countries where one might assume the population might know more about Ahmadis as a separate religious group. The statistics underline that even though the Ahmadis have been around for more than a century as a distinct marginal religious community, albeit in a contested relationship with ASJ Muslim authorities, they were basically an unknown entity in three predominantly Muslim states by certain sections of their populations. And this is, of course, very different from the significant Thai Muslim community, who live in a mainly Buddhist society in which they have to deal with a different set of socio-political and religious challenges in trying to keep their identity as Muslims intact.

Nonetheless, when considering these responses and transferring them to Africa’s Muslim communities, one can find similar, if not more startling, responses. The rationale for this is based on two assumptions: the first is that some African Muslim communities do not enjoy comparable exposure to Islam’s teachings as their Bangladeshi and Malaysian counterparts, and the second is that the Muslims form part of a religious plural environment in which they have shown tolerance towards others who adhere to different beliefs and practices. In fact, in West Africa there are small pockets of Muslim communities that have fused their traditional practices with those of Islam, but they have not been ostracized, except in a few places.

Setting aside these assumptions and taking another slight detour prior to turning to the Ahmadis’ African mission, the following pertinent issues should be factored in when assessing the Ahl-As-Sunna wa-al-Jama’at’s(ASJ) theological posture towards them: Firstly, when assessing the approaches of the two groups towards Islam’s primary sources, it is clear that ASJ adherents express an orthodox position; whereas the Ahmadis/Qadiyanis embrace a heterodox one. Secondly, there is another critical difference that is related to the question of prophethood–a non-negotiable principle according to the orthodox view. On this matter the conformist ASJ, who determinedly believe that Prophet Muhammad was God’s final messenger, diametrically oppose both the unorthodox Qadiyanis and Ahmadis. The Qadiyanis, basing themselves on Mirza’s writings and pronouncements, have unwaveringly argued that Mirza was an inspired prophet. Their theologians reasoned that the Quranic word “seal” should be interpreted figuratively and not literally, as was generally understood by the orthodox interpreters. From this, the Qadiyanis derived the notion that Prophet Muhammad was not the last and final prophet. Thirdly, the Qadiyanis opined, as a consequence of this theological reasoning that those who do not accept Mirza as the promised Messiah are kafir. Kays (2006Kays, Abdul. 2006The Disciple of Dajjal: Exposing Mirza Ghulam Ahmed Qadiani’s Weird Creed. Revised & Abridged. Crown Mines. JohannesburgAl-Ilmu Noor Publications. [Google Scholar]) quoted Mirza as writing in his Kalimat ul-Fasl that “if one does not accept the revelations of the Promised Messiah … then such a rejector becomes a ‘kaafir’!”

In response to these reflections, the Ahmadis broke away from the Qadiyanis, arguing that Mirza’s pronouncements were misunderstood and that he did not say that he was a prophet. Instead, the Ahmadis averred that Mirza conveyed the notion that he was a reformer, in contrast to the Qadiyanis, who emphatically stated that Mirza was not only God’s promised Mahdi (awaited-one) and Christ’s Messiah, but also a prophet (Khan 2015Khan, Adil H. 2015From Sufism to Ahmadiyya: A Muslim Minority Movement in South AsiaBloomingtonIndiana University Press. [Google Scholar]).66 See “Difference Between Sunni and Ahmadi,” DifferenceBetween.net, c. June 2010; “What are the main difference between Ahmadiyyas and other Muslims?” Quora.com, c. July 2015.View all notes Despite the Ahmadis’ altered theological position, the ASJ vehemently condemned them along with the Qadiyanis. The ASJ Muslim authorities issued the legal view that the Qadiyanis and the Ahmadis were outside Islam’s fold. These authorities opined that their beliefs caused a great deal of consternation among all ASJ adherents. Even the Shi’ites, who expressed their discomfort with the theological views of the Qadiyanis and Ahmadis, were ironically categorized by a few extremist ASJ theologians to be outside Islam’s fold too. Though the ASJ Muslim authorities formulated their legal stance towards these two groups since the 1910s (Kays 2006Kays, Abdul. 2006The Disciple of Dajjal: Exposing Mirza Ghulam Ahmed Qadiani’s Weird Creed. Revised & Abridged. Crown Mines. JohannesburgAl-Ilmu Noor Publications. [Google Scholar]), both groups managed to survive the mainstream Muslim authorities’ persistent verbal and physical onslaught in both majority and minority settings. During the second half of the 20th century when international human rights instruments were developed and put in place, some of the bodies that worked in the interest of upholding human rights principles categorized the Ahmadis as “a persecuted religious group,” a group that had not only been marginalized and ostracized, but also been mistreated and victimized by dominant Muslim communities in countries such as Pakistan and Indonesia (Talbot 2007Talbot, Ian. 2007. “Religion and Violence: The Historical Context for Conflict in Pakistan.” In Religion and Violence in South Asia: Theory and Practice, edited by John Hinnels and RichardKing147163LondonRoutledge. [Google Scholar]; Ahmad 2017Ahmad, Usman. 2017Ahmadi Persecution: A Global IssueLondonTony Blair Global Studies Institute, June 21. [Google Scholar]). Hence, their constant appeal for the application of these instruments and their quest for the legal protection against states and communities that continue to discriminate against them on religious grounds.

The Ahmadis’ African Mission: Historical Vignettes of Selected Communities

Amidst the Ahmadis’ appeals and quest for protection in South and Southeast Asian nations of Pakistan and Indonesia, it seems that the Ahmadis have generally not faced such types of discrimination and persecution in Africa, where they began to settle in the early 1900s. In fact, when they landed on African soil and as they gradually began to do mission among Africa’s Muslim and non-Muslim communities, they socialized and interacted with communities that were very much occupied with their socio-political and cultural identities during the latter part of the colonial period. By the time the Ahmadis settled in and adjusted to the African environment, the existing Muslim communities, as well as others, were oblivious to the group’s theological teachings, and they accepted them as members of the Muslim ummah (that is, nation/society) without critically probing their theological ideas.

One may, however, postulate that the African Muslims’ attention was not so much concerned with the internal theological disagreements, and that they were more worried about the colonial rulers’ oppressive system and the Christian missionaries’, who challenged their African Muslim beliefs and practices. Since they found themselves to be defenseless, not being able to counter theologically, they sought assistance from other quarters; it was at this point in time that the Ahmadis met up with vulnerable African communities and used the opportunity to do their intended mission. So, one may state that the Ahmadis came into Africa at an opportune period. It was a time when the local Muslim authorities were helpless, since they did not know how to correctly counter Christian missionary activities. Thus, they relied on the skillful approach of the Ahmadis’ preachers who “rescued” them from Africa’s expansive Christian campaigners in different parts of the continent.

The Christian missionaries, who had set up “mission schools” and who had actively spread the Gospel, found their match in the Ahmadi preachers. During that period Ahl-As-Sunna wa-al-Jama’at authorities were ill-equipped to deal with the Christian missionaries, for they were unfamiliar with the Gospel, nor did they have in-depth knowledge about Christianity as such. Being skilled in and knowledgeable of methods of conversion, the Ahmadi proselytizers who were prepared for these eventualities thus aided these Muslim communities, salvaging them from the Gospel-filled hands of the Christian evangelists, who they saw as an extended part of the colonial powers. In these eyes of these Muslim communities, colonial rulers not only subjugated them through oppressive decrees, but also used their educational institutions as instruments of conversion, hence the African Muslim communities’ aversion to attending modern colonial mission schools.

At this point, it is appropriate to summarily describe the Ahmadis’ presence in certain parts of the African continent. The graph above reveals that the highest number of Ahmadis is to be found in Nigeria, Benin, and Tanzania; in these countries their numbers have reached over two million and together they record close to eight million members. Even though their numbers in Guinea Bissau and Egypt are miniscule, they are numerically larger than those found in Southern Africa where Ahmadis only number about 2,000 adherents (Figure 1) .

Figure 1. Ahmadis’ presence in Africa. Data Sourced: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahmadiyya_by_country.

West Africa’s Ahmadis

Ibrahim Oguntayo (2016),77 Ibrahim Oguntayo, “Future of Ahmadiyya in Nigeria: Beyond the First Century.” Vanguard, 25 November 2016.View all notes in his capacity as the Publicity Committee for Centenary Celebrations of the Nigerian branch of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jamat (as they are called), mentioned that, “The root of Ahmadiyya Nigeria Muslim Jamaat was planted in 1916 when the spread of the message of the Promised Messiah, Hazrat Ghulam Ahmad was brought to the newly amalgamated Northern and Southern protectorates in Nigeria.” In 2016, the Nigerians held their 64th annual convention (Jalsa Salana) to mark their hundred-year anniversary of Ahmadi existence in Nigeria. The event called “for a deep reflection on the contributions of the Jamaat to Nigeria’s development.” In Oguntayo’s informed opinion, the Ahmadis have made substantial contributions to Islam’s spread. For some reason, he did not say much about Nigeria’s rich past, of which Usman don Fodio (d.1817) was and remained a great Muslim leader in West Africa.

Nonetheless, he glowingly stated that, unlike other African states in the region, the Ahmadis succeeded in establishing 493 branches across all states. Over the Ahmadis’ hundred years in Nigeria, they set up elementary and secondary schools, and health care centers. In addition, they had, since 1966, published The Truth as their mouthpiece. In Kays’ (2006Kays, Abdul. 2006The Disciple of Dajjal: Exposing Mirza Ghulam Ahmed Qadiani’s Weird Creed. Revised & Abridged. Crown Mines. JohannesburgAl-Ilmu Noor Publications. [Google Scholar], 47) sensationally written text, he had this to say: “Mirzaees discovered that Nigeria … (was) fertile ground for spreading their weird creed. Readers of ‘The Truth’, Mirzaee organ from Lagos, will have observed how Ahmadees attempt to indoctrinate the reader with Mirza as a prophet.” He further stated that,

One of the reasons for deceiving the Nigerian Muslim easily is that his language is not Urdu … and they may also not be aware that Mirza was a Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde … including as an agent of the imperialists.

During the time when the Ahmadis were settling in and expanding in Nigeria and making headway with their mission, they cast their sights on neighboring states. The second stop in West Africa was the Gold Coast, known today as Ghana,88 “Ahmadiyya in Ghana,” Wikipedia, accessed July 2018.View all notes (Samwini 2006Samwini, Nathan. 2006Muslim Resurgence in Ghana Since 1951: Its Effects upon Muslims and Christian-Muslim RelationsMünsterLIT Verlag. [Google Scholar]; Turkson 2007Turkson, Peter K. 2007Ghana: If Islam becomes an Enigma. Oasis, January 10. MilanFoundation International. [Google Scholar]; Acquah 2011Acquah, Francis. 2011. “The Impact of African Traditional Religious Beliefs and Cultural Values on Christian-Muslim Relations in Ghana from 1920 through the Present: A Case Study of Nkusukum-Ekumfi-Enyan Area of the Central Region.” Unpublished Thesis., University of Exeter. [Google Scholar]; Hanson 2017Hanson, John. 2017The Ahmadiyya in the Gold Coast: Muslim Cosmopolitans in the British EmpireBloomingtonIndiana University Press.[Crossref] [Google Scholar]). The Ahmadis’ foremost missionary at that time was Abdul Rahim Nayyar who was, in fact, invited by a group of Muslims from Saltpond, and this happened during the period when the Ahmadis’ Second Caliphate was in charge. After having laid the foundations in 1921, Nayyar departed, but he was replaced by the Ahmadis’ first permanent missionary by the name of Al Hajj Fadl-ul-Rahman Hakim in 1922. According to Samwini (2006Samwini, Nathan. 2006Muslim Resurgence in Ghana Since 1951: Its Effects upon Muslims and Christian-Muslim RelationsMünsterLIT Verlag. [Google Scholar]), the Ahmadis depended much on Hakim’s skills, and he was ably supported by a Fante interpreter. Hakim, who conducted his lectures along the Gold Coast’s southern coast in the public, made profuse use of the Quran and the Bible. He, for example, spoke about how “The Bible shows Jesus did not die on the cross.” At times, these polemical topics attracted the interest of many Christians, but they also led to intra-Muslim conflict, since the orthodox Muslims did not subscribe to this Ahmadi view regarding Jesus. Besides preaching publicly, the Ahmadis made great efforts to set up a school, but they failed to do so for more than twenty years. It was only by 1950 that the situation changed. By then, the Ahmadis’ numbers had increased substantially, and they opened the doors of their first senior secondary school in Kumasi. Regionally, Ghana became the home of the second largest Ahmadi community, which according to the latest census shows that their numbers have reached 635,000. From the graph above, it seems that the Ahmadis’ demographics changed substantially during the latter part of the 20th century.

East and South Africa’s Ahmadis

Moving to East Africa. where Tanzania99 Ahmaddiya Muslim Jamaat Tanzania, “A Brief History.” http://ahmadiyyatz.org/a-brief-history/.View all notes has a sizeable Ahmadi community numbering more than 2 million, it should be noted that missionaries came to Lake Tanganika’s shores two decades before the Ahmadi community initiated their activities in Nigeria. According to the Tanzanian Ahmadis, two of Mirza’s companions, namely Hadhrat Munshi Muhammad Afzal Sahib and Hadhrat Mirza Abdullah Sahib, landed in East Africa during 1896. Subsequent to their visit, a few more came, among them Dr. Muhammad Ismail Giryanwi who was an Indian military doctor. Since they encountered a few challenges as they tried to expand their activities, they sought assistance from Qadian, the small Indian town from where Mirza established his theological movement. Their request for help coincided with the Tahrik-e-Jadid (history and renewal) scheme, a project that aimed to universalize the Ahmadi message. Hadhrat Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmood Ahmad, Mirza’s son, responded and he sent Shaykh Mubarak Ahmad on October 10, 1910, as the first Amir of the Ahmadis in East Africa.

By 1923, the Ahmadis published Al-Balagh to proclaim the Ahmadi message, and by 1930 they had built their first Nairobi-based mosque. Alongside these developments, the Shaykh circulated in 1936 the first issue of Mapenzi ya Mungu (God’s Love), their newspaper. It was a vehicle used against the Christians, who expressed the view that “we can only be saved by the blood of Jesus” in pamphlets they disseminated. The Shaykh saw it appropriate to use the pages of the new newspaper to refute the ideas of the Christians. He, according to the online report,1010 Ahmaddiya Muslim Jamaat Tanzania, “A brief history.”View all notes responded to these pamphlets by stating that human beings can “only be saved by the love of God.” He saw the newspaper, which was issued in East Africa’s lingua franca, as that critical vehicle.

As a result of the Shaykh’s sterling mission work since he arrived, the community founded the Sheikh Mubarak Ahmad Ahmadi Muslim School in 1937 and it was strategically set up in Tanzania’s Tabora. The reason for choosing this town was because it was a key Christian center that represented all denominations. It was also the home of the best secondary school country-wide, and it was set up in the vicinity of the important Christian Theological College for Priests. At this point one needs to fast-forward and mention that a year after Hadhrat Khalifatul Masih IV’s official visit, Tanzania’s Ahmadis celebrated their centenary in 1989. The event was celebrated with all sorts of activities, and a special edition of the newspaper was printed. The celebrations were followed by the Dawat ili-Allah (mission to God) campaign that gave way to the formation of mission houses that facilitated the process of Bai’at, the swearing of allegiance to the Ahmadi Khaliph.

Between the time the magazine, Al-Balagh, was circulating and the first mosque was built in East Africa, a delegation with Al-Haj Lord Sir Rowland George Allanson Allanson-Winn, Baron Headley (d.1935) among them went on a visit to South Africa.1111 Majlis Khuddam-ul-Ahmadiyya, South Africa. “About: What is the Ahmadiyya Muslim Youth Association?,” http://khuddam.org.za/about.View all notes Unlike Tanzania and Nigeria, where contact had been made and official branches established, the Ahmadi connection in South Africa was only made in mid-1920s when Woking’s Khwaja Kamal-ud-Din and Lord Headley officially visited South Africa to undertake their mission. This was reported in the short-lived Cape Town based magazine, the Moslem Outlook.1212 The Moslem Outlook, 20 February 1926, http://www.wokingmuslim.org/work/s-africa-is-rev.htm and http://www.wokingmuslim.org/pers/headley.htm.View all notes According to Ebrahim (2015Ebrahim, Zaid. 2015. “History of the Ahmadiyya Jamat South Africa.” Al-Asr 55 (1): 3031. [Google Scholar]), the Ahmadis officially established themselves at the Cape in 1958 under the inspiration of Hadhrat Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmud Ahmad. In 2018, their members celebrated their sixtieth year on South African soil with numbers still not reaching more than 500.

During Dr. Yusuf Sulaiman’s visit to the Ahmadis’ headquarters in Pakistan, the latter gave a sermon in which he identified South Africa as a place where a branch should be set up. Ebrahim quoted the following portion of a sermon delivered on March 8, 1946, which appeared in The Sunrise of March 23, 1946:

South Africa would now be on the Ahmadiyya Tabligh Map in as much as a South African, Dr. Y. Sulaiman who was educated in England and who qualified for medical degree intended now to devote himself to work for Islam in this part of the world.

Between 1946 and 1951, Sulaiman preached to individuals from his Cape Town home, where he also held jumu’ah and ‘Id ritual prayers. Having worked in earnest, Sulaiman eventually succeeded in convincing those with whom he interacted to join the Ahmadi community. Among those who responded to the Ahmadi invitation was Muhammad Hashim Ebrahim (d.1985) and members of his family. It was this family that laid the grounds for the center in 1958. Another family from the Qadiyani school that also joined the ranks was the Hargey family.

Among the significant outcomes of the Ahmadis’ presence in South Africa were two court cases that took place at the beginnings of the 1980s and the 1990s, respectively. These were discussed by Aziz (2008Aziz, Zahid. 2008A Survey of the Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement: History, Beliefs, Aims and WorkLondonAhmadiyya Anjuman Lahore Publications. [Google Scholar]) and analyzed by Qadir (2016Qadir, Ali. 2016. “How Heresy Makes Orthodoxy: The Sedimentation of Sunnism in the Ahmadi Cases of South Africa.” Sociology of Islam 4 (4): 345367. doi: 10.1163/22131418-00404001[Crossref] [Google Scholar]). These legal challenges took place during the South African apartheid system which paradoxically permitted minority religious traditions such as Islam to be practiced, though the apartheid authorities restricted their practices to the religious rituals only. In this context one may ask: What was the nature of this “religious freedom” or “freedom of religion or belief (FoRB)”?

FoRB Policies in Africa’s Religious Plural Environment

FoRB: Its Conceptualization

The past few years have brought the issuance of a plethora of documents, declarations, instruments, and policies that not only identified but that explained, explored, and examined the nature of FoRB across the Commonwealth. These documents remain essential ingredients of the democratic society that is protected by the international legal system (Cross 2015Cross, Frank B. 2015Constitutions and Religious FreedomCambridgeCambridge University Press. [Google Scholar]). In a revised “Freedom of Religion or Belief Toolkit,” issued by the British Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO) in 2016, FCO offered a useful definition of FoRB that is quite fitting for this article’s contents (FCO 2016). The FCO stressed that FoRB has far-reaching and profound implications and that, this being the case, it should be viewed as “the key human right” for Ahmadis around the Commonwealth, as advocated by Baroness Anelay in the opening epigram of this article. The FCO categorically specified that FoRB “encompasses not just the freedom to hold personal thoughts and convictions, but also being able to manifest them individually or with others, publicly or in private.” When considering the FCO’s policy position, then this indeed applies to the Ahmadis who should be permitted to freely subscribe to their theological stance even though ASJ adherents oppose their beliefs and practices.

Islamic law scholar Abdullahi An-Naim (2012An-Naim, Abdullahi. 2012. “Experiences of Religious Freedom in an African Context – Universal Rights in a World of Diversity: The Case of Religious Freedom.” Acta 17: 193211. Rome: Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences. [Google Scholar]) offers a considerably different understanding in making the point that, “freedoms of religion is necessary for each human person to pursue what she(/he) holds as the ultimate purpose and meaning of her(/his) life.” He further notes, idealistically, “freedom of religion and other human rights are both a means and end of societal solidarity and cooperation among believers and non-believers.” An-Na’im asserts, perhaps a bit hastily, that this ideal can become a reality if two goals are achieved: the first is to enthusiastically encourage the pursuance of pivotal values such as tolerance and respect for others across all religious traditions and among diverse communities without exception (Donald and Howard 2015Donald, Alice, and Erica Howard2015The Right to Freedom of Religion or Belieft and its Intersection with Other RightsBrusselsILGA-Europe. [Google Scholar]), and the second is to resist and restrain any sort of exclusivist inclinations or hegemonic tendencies that undermine and destabilize the “freedom of religion” policy. This type of ideal scenario, if ever realized, would work in the Ahmadis’ interests. Unfortunately, however, in countries such as Pakistan and Indonesia, hegemonic propensities have erupted that have caused Ahmadis a great deal discomfort as a result of their beliefs and identity. The question that emerges is: To what extent have the Ahmadis faced similar harassments and maltreatments at the hands of ASJ adherents in African countries where they reside? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to return to at least two African countries that were described earlier.

Elizabeth Shakman Hurd’s book Beyond Religious Freedom (2015Hurd, Elizabeth Shakman. 2015Beyond Religious Freedom: The New Global Politics of ReligionPrinceton, NJPrinceton University Press.[Crossref] [Google Scholar]) studied, among other religious minorities, Turkey’s Alevi community. According to Hurd, the Alevis were treated by the Turkish government as a “heterodox” community, some of whom wish to be seen as a strand within non-Sunni Islam. Similarly, the Ahmadis who have been ill-treated by Pakistani’s ASJ Muslim authorities (representing Sunni Islam) would also want to be seen as a theological school within the broader Sunni Islamic tradition, even though they stand apart from it in their interpretation of the primary sources. ASJ Muslim authorities in both majority and minority environments exercised their power and influence, thereby reducing the Ahmadis’ claims for legal recognition as bona fide Muslims. In spite of all the ASJ Muslim authorities’ attempts in so doing, the Ahmadis managed to persist in claiming their religious space alongside Sunni Islam.

In the case of the Alevis, Hurd (2015Hurd, Elizabeth Shakman. 2015Beyond Religious Freedom: The New Global Politics of ReligionPrinceton, NJPrinceton University Press.[Crossref] [Google Scholar]) makes a further pertinent point that may also be applied to the Ahmadis, when she states, “To refuse identity-based recognition for such already existing groups … is to obstruct democratization and hinder the emergence of tolerant legal regimes for managing religious diversity.” When thinking about the Ahmadis and their respective positions in majority and minority Muslim communities around the world, then one can argue that ASJ Muslim authorities have contributed to undermining FoRB policy by not recognizing the Ahmadis’ rightful place within a democratic society, given that their beliefs differ markedly from other Muslim communities. The ideal of FoRB of which An-Na’im speaks seems to be far-fetched, as a result of the ASJ Muslim authorities’ determinedly exclusivist theological stance towards the Ahmadis. The attitude and approach of these authorities in communities where they have been influential demands further consideration of African countries—in particular, to assess whether the Ahmadis have suffered as their counterparts and in Pakistan and, more importantly, whether FoRB policies have been taken for granted and ignored.

Africa’s Muslim Authorities: Exercising Theological Power, Curbing Ahmadi Beliefs

Mention has already been made of the fact that, when the Ahmadis first made their appearance on African soil, they generally did not encounter any religious hostility. When delegations went to Tanzania and South Africa, the Muslim communities welcomed them without raising questions regarding their theological beliefs and interpretations. By and large, they experienced an environment in which there was relative freedom. Their circumstances changed later when the ASJ Muslim authorities in these countries became aware of their theological outlook. From then onwards, verbal and, at times, physical conflicts occurred. The ASJ Muslim authorities, as already indicated, made ample use of their theological positions by challenging and countering the Ahmadis’ interpretations even though their leaders argued that they, unlike the Qadiyanis, do not consider Mirza to be a prophet and that they do not subscribe to the view that non-Ahmadis are kafir.

Across the world, ASJ Muslim authorities absolutely opposed the Ahmadis and they stripped them jurisprudentially from their “Muslim” identity and other rights such as marriage and inheritance. But despite these outcomes, the Ahmadis persisted as a persecuted group by continuing with their universal mission as instructed by Mirza. By the early 1900s, Ahmadis had planted themselves in East Africa; by the mid-1910s, they had moved to West Africa; and by the end of the 1950s, they had settled in South Africa. In all of these regions, they left their footprints. This was partly to do with the zealous passion that they possessed to spread Mirza’s message, but it was also to do with the relative peaceful situation that they encountered. As a result of the latter conditions, they took full advantage by preaching to all and sundry, especially arguing against the Christian missionaries. Initially, when the Ahmadi preachers settled and preached without any opposition from within the mainstream Muslim environments, they could undertake their task without being disturbed. This, however, dramatically changed when the orthodox ASJ Muslim authorities learned more about Mirza and his disciples.

The ASJ Muslim authorities reached a consensus that, as a group, the Ahmadis had to be countered and ejected from all Muslim sacred spaces, including mosque and burial sites, and from participating in the obligatory rituals. In addition, those who were married to spouses who were Ahmadis, as Anderson (2013Anderson, J. N. J. 2013Islamic Law in Africa. Reprint edition. LondonRoutledge. [Google Scholar]) pointed out, had to divorce them. Relatedly, the local Muslim News in Cape Town on January 25, 1963, contained an article titled “Faith or Love? The Young Muslim Misled by Ahmadis” (Haron 1993Haron, Muhammed. 1993. “Muslim News (1960–1986): An Expression of an Islamic Identity in South Africa.” In Muslim Identities in Sub-Saharan Africa: Contemporary Transformations in Muslim Societies, Edited Louis Brenner210225BloomingtonIndiana University Press. [Google Scholar]). In recent years, when sectarianism became widespread, a question regarding marriage was posed to Mufti Ebrahim Desai, one of the South Africa’s foremost theologians. Desai tersely and unapologetically responded that the Ahmadis were not Muslims.1313 See http://www.irshad.org/exposed/fatwas/edesai.phpand http://www.askimam.org/public/question_detail/30867This question was posed on 14 October 2014.View all notes On the whole, the ASJ’s theological bodies conveniently used FoRB policies to their advantage, taking theological positions to ostracize the Ahmadis.

South Africa

Nonetheless, in spite of the Cape-based Muslim Judicial Council’s (est.1945) reaction, particularly through fatwas such as the simplistic sample mentioned earlier by Mufti Desai, Ahmadis in South Africa never lost hope, and they largely accepted their fate as a marginalized religious community. While some of them have contested their theological positions and their rightful status as a minority in the South Asian courts as mentioned by Kays (2006Kays, Abdul. 2006The Disciple of Dajjal: Exposing Mirza Ghulam Ahmed Qadiani’s Weird Creed. Revised & Abridged. Crown Mines. JohannesburgAl-Ilmu Noor Publications. [Google Scholar]), they also contested the issue further in the South Africa courts (Qadir 2016Qadir, Ali. 2016. “How Heresy Makes Orthodoxy: The Sedimentation of Sunnism in the Ahmadi Cases of South Africa.” Sociology of Islam 4 (4): 345367. doi: 10.1163/22131418-00404001[Crossref] [Google Scholar]). Of interest to note is the fact that the South African Muslims, who were a religious minority and a politically disenfranchized group, marginalized the Ahmadis, forcing them to undergo double discrimination—from a political dimension they were part of the Colored community that was subjugated, and from a religious dimension they were verbally and physically mistreated by the Muslim community from which they emerged. The MJC declared the Ahmadis to be apostates long before the court cases mentioned above. In addition, Abdul Kays, who was part of the collective editorial committee of the Cape Muslim newspaper, the Muslim News (1960–1986), described the founder of the Ahmadis in distasteful terms in his sensationalist booklet1414 It was first published in 1965 and then revised in 2006.View all notes branding them theologically as non-Muslims.

Ghana

While the Ahmadis had to tolerate the maltreatment at the hands of the MJC and its followers, related encounters were also recorded elsewhere on the continent. Samwini (2006Samwini, Nathan. 2006Muslim Resurgence in Ghana Since 1951: Its Effects upon Muslims and Christian-Muslim RelationsMünsterLIT Verlag. [Google Scholar]) narrates that, in Ghana, the Tijaniyya and Ahmadi discord in the 1940s continued unabated. In one case, Ghana’s Muslim authorities in the town of Tamale even went so far as to encourage the children to stone the Ahmadis, since they were viewed as a major theological threat. Although no such abuses were recorded at the Cape, the Ahmadis felt the extent of ostrakonophobia.

Returning to the year 1994, Ghana witnessed an escalation of conflict between the Tijaniyya and Ahmadis. This time, according to Turkson (2007Turkson, Peter K. 2007Ghana: If Islam becomes an Enigma. Oasis, January 10. MilanFoundation International. [Google Scholar]), the conflict took place in the Ghanian town of Wa. Turkson reported that this skirmish resulted in the burning down of an Ahmadi mosque, resulting in a return of old tensions that existed for some time. Besides the Muslim community’s battles with the Ahmadis, other intra-Muslim conflicts were also prevalent, such as the animosities between the Tijanis and Wahhabis and the violence that took place between them in Ghana’s Wenchi Zongo district during 1995. Apart from these intra-Muslim conflicts, hostilities were also chronicled between the Muslims and Pentecostal Christians in Kumasi, Takoradi and Walewale in 1998. Since the Ahmadis and others were drawn into these persistent scuffles, it created a very unpleasant atmosphere that undermined Ghana’s FoRB policy.1515 See United States Department of State, International Freedom of Religion Report, Ghana, 2016.View all notes

When considering the conflictual outcomes of the relationship between the larger Muslim communities and the minority Ahmadis, one wonders on what theological grounds the Muslim authorities give support to violence against the minorities such as the Ahmadis. The question is: What policy of FoRB should be observed and respected within the nation-state? One should bear in mind that most of the African nation-states are multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural, and, of course, multi-religious. Being multi-religious implies that religious adherents should respect and tolerate one another’s traditions as per An-Naim’s (2012An-Naim, Abdullahi. 2012. “Experiences of Religious Freedom in an African Context – Universal Rights in a World of Diversity: The Case of Religious Freedom.” Acta 17: 193211. Rome: Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences. [Google Scholar]) proposal, even though one may not agree with the others’ beliefs or practices. As regards the attitudes of Muslim communities, which are usually guided by their Muslim authorities, it can be argued that they need to adopt a more tolerant position that is in line with the prophetic model that they are expected to uphold–but then again one talks about the ideal and not the realities on the ground.

However, some of the examples mentioned here, along with the persecution that Ahmadis generally experienced at the hands of the ASJ Muslim authorities, demonstrate that the latter group is rather selective when it comes to observing FoRB policies. In fact, they should consider drawing lessons from Shaykh Dr Osman Nuhu Sharubutu, who is the National Chief Imam of Ghana and a member of Ghana’s National Peace Council. According to the Rabwah Times report,1616 “Chief Imam of Ghana Speaks Out in Support of Ahmadis.” Rabwah Times, 14 August 2016.View all notes he decided to broker peace with the Ahmadis and forget the past. It seems that, notwithstanding the constitutional guarantees that exist in some countries, the Ahmadis were and are still being challenged by the Muslim communities’ religious authorities, who have remained firm that no Ahmadi should be regarded as a Muslim. The general chauvinistic behavior of the Muslim authorities has affected the Ahmadis on three levels: (1) they caused the Ahmadis to remain a religiously insecure community, (2) they took away their religious rights in religious freedom environments, and (3) they forced them to be theologically ostracized and socially marginalized even though they do, like their counter-parts, have the constitutional rights to freely express their religious identity.

Conclusion

This article has essentially documented the Ahmadi community’s presence, as a religious minority community in Africa, where FoRB policies were and are still in place. It, however, illustrated to what extent this community experienced various types of abuses and persecution. Even though they splintered from the Qadiyanis, who held views that were contrary to the orthodox Sunni Islam views, they were still held responsible for subtly perpetuating these debatable theological beliefs and perspectives. The Ahmadis’ fate was sealed when the ASJ Muslim authorities under the auspices of the Mecca based Muslim World League issued a fatwa1717 Rasheed, “Consensus of the International Muslim Community on the Ahmadiyya Movement,” 15 February 2014. Auckland: At Tawqa Trust. http://www.masjidattaqwa.co.nz/ahmadiyya/Interestingly, the journal which published the fatwa seems to have erases it from its website at www.iifa-aifi.org.View all notes declaring both Ahmadis and Qadiyanis to be non-Muslims.

From then onwards, orthodox Sunni Islam Muslim authorities across the globe felt obliged to observe this decision. What this essentially meant was that, even though the Ahmadis still expressed and identified with a set of the beliefs to which Muslims generally adhere, these authorities jurisprudentially argued that they were not on par with other Muslims in terms of their beliefs. That being the case, they were thus legally viewed as a separate religious group and not as another school of thought within the house of Islam. Also important to observe is that fact that, while the Ahmadis wish to be technically regarded as Muslims, they also consciously preferred to use the term “Ahmadi” to distinguish themselves from everyone else, including the Qadiyanis. Nonetheless, as a consequence of the legal opinion issued by orthodox Sunni Islam Muslim authorities, the Ahmadis—wherever they settled around the globe—were regarded jurisprudentially as separate and apart from those traditionally defined as Muslims in both majority and minority communities (Asad 2010Ahmed, Asad. 2010. “The Paradoxes of Ahmadiyya Identity: Legal Appropriation of Muslim-Ness and the Construction of Ahmadiyya Difference.” In Beyond Crisis: Re-Evaluating Pakistan, edited by Naveeda A. Khan273314LondonRoutledge. [Google Scholar]).1818 Interestingly, apart from Pakistan, where the Ahmaddiya started out, they are now to be found in at least four majority Muslim states–namely Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, and Indonesia. While Pakistan has banned Ahmadis from using the name Muslim, other states such as Egypt have not.View all notes

ORCID

Muhammed Haron http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6907-8488

Notes

1 This term refers to anti-Muslim rhetoric that has been studies by various individuals and groups over the past few years. Interesting texts that cover this phenomenon is the report by Wajahat Ali et al. Fear Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America (Wajahat Ali et al. 2011Wajahat Ali et al. 2011Fear Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in AmericaWashington, DCCentre for American Progress.https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/religion/report/2011/08/26/10165/fear-inc/Fear, Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America],“ Wajahat Ali, Eli Clifton, Matthew Duss, Lee Fang, Scott Keyes, and Faiz Shakir. [Google Scholar]) and European Islamophobia Report 2015(Bayrakli and Hafez 2016Bayrakli, Enes, and Farid Hafez, eds. 2016European Islamophobia Report 2015Istanbul & Washington, DCSETA. [Google Scholar]).

2 This researcher searched the long list of words that describe the various phobias and he was unable to find a word that captures the “fear of being ostracized.” He thus coined this term that he derived from the Greek word: ostrakon (visit: www.fearof.net and www.phobialist.com).

3 The Ahmadis are also referred to the Lahoris and they have been challenged by their theological siblings, namely the Qadiyanis who consider themselves the authentic followers of Mirza.

4 Ehsan Rehan reported on November 12, 2017 that Allama Iqbal Bahisti, who was the secretary general of Majlis Wahdat—e-Muslimin and a key Shi’ite theologian, warned about the dangers that both the Bahais and Ahmadis posed; this is rather ironic during the current period knowing that many theologians in the Sunni world have also condemned the Shi’ites to be outside the fold of Islam! Ehsan Rehan, “Pakistani Shia Cleric Warns of Dangers Posed by Baha’is & Ahmadis,” Rabwah Times, 12 November 2017. See Ahmadiyya Anjuman Ishàat Islam Lahore Inc. U.S.A. “Ahmadiyya Movement Contrasted with the Bahai Religion.” http://www.muslim.org/intro/bah.htm and Fuad Al-Attar, “The Difference between Ahmadis and Bahais.” Ahmadiyya: Inviting to Islam (blog), 7 January 2012. The latter provides a simplistic comparative view.

5 Though popularly referred to as the ‘Ulama [that is, the learned scholars], in this essay they will be referred as Muslim theologians or alternatively as religious authorities.

6 See “Difference Between Sunni and Ahmadi,” DifferenceBetween.net, c. June 2010; “What are the main difference between Ahmadiyyas and other Muslims?” Quora.com, c. July 2015.

7 Ibrahim Oguntayo, “Future of Ahmadiyya in Nigeria: Beyond the First Century.” Vanguard, 25 November 2016.

8 “Ahmadiyya in Ghana,” Wikipedia, accessed July 2018.

9 Ahmaddiya Muslim Jamaat Tanzania, “A Brief History.” http://ahmadiyyatz.org/a-brief-history/.

10 Ahmaddiya Muslim Jamaat Tanzania, “A brief history.”

11 Majlis Khuddam-ul-Ahmadiyya, South Africa. “About: What is the Ahmadiyya Muslim Youth Association?,” http://khuddam.org.za/about.

12 The Moslem Outlook, 20 February 1926, http://www.wokingmuslim.org/work/s-africa-is-rev.htm and http://www.wokingmuslim.org/pers/headley.htm.

13 See http://www.irshad.org/exposed/fatwas/edesai.php and http://www.askimam.org/public/question_detail/30867 This question was posed on 14 October 2014.

14 It was first published in 1965 and then revised in 2006.

15 See United States Department of State, International Freedom of Religion Report, Ghana, 2016.

16 “Chief Imam of Ghana Speaks Out in Support of Ahmadis.” Rabwah Times, 14 August 2016.

17 Rasheed, “Consensus of the International Muslim Community on the Ahmadiyya Movement,” 15 February 2014. Auckland: At Tawqa Trust. http://www.masjidattaqwa.co.nz/ahmadiyya/ Interestingly, the journal which published the fatwa seems to have erases it from its website at www.iifa-aifi.org.

18 Interestingly, apart from Pakistan, where the Ahmaddiya started out, they are now to be found in at least four majority Muslim states–namely Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, and Indonesia. While Pakistan has banned Ahmadis from using the name Muslim, other states such as Egypt have not.

References

  • Acquah, Francis. 2011. “The Impact of African Traditional Religious Beliefs and Cultural Values on Christian-Muslim Relations in Ghana from 1920 through the Present: A Case Study of Nkusukum-Ekumfi-Enyan Area of the Central Region.” Unpublished Thesis., University of Exeter.
  • Ahmad, Usman. 2017Ahmadi Persecution: A Global IssueLondonTony Blair Global Studies Institute, June 21.
  • Ahmed, Asad. 2010. “The Paradoxes of Ahmadiyya Identity: Legal Appropriation of Muslim-Ness and the Construction of Ahmadiyya Difference.” In Beyond Crisis: Re-Evaluating Pakistan, edited by Naveeda A. Khan273314.LondonRoutledge.
  • An-Naim, Abdullahi. 2012. “Experiences of Religious Freedom in an African Context – Universal Rights in a World of Diversity: The Case of Religious Freedom.” Acta 17: 193211. Rome: Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences.
  • Anderson, J. N. J. 2013Islamic Law in Africa. Reprint edition. LondonRoutledge.
  • Aziz, Zahid. 2008A Survey of the Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement: History, Beliefs, Aims and WorkLondonAhmadiyya Anjuman Lahore Publications.
  • Bayrakli, Enes, and Farid Hafez, eds. 2016European Islamophobia Report 2015Istanbul & Washington, DCSETA.
  • Buck, Christopher. 2003. “Islam and Minorities: The Case of the Bahai’s.” Studies in Contemporary Islam 1 (2): 86103.
  • Cross, Frank B. 2015Constitutions and Religious FreedomCambridgeCambridge University Press.
  • Donald, Alice, and Erica Howard2015The Right to Freedom of Religion or Belieft and its Intersection with Other Rights.BrusselsILGA-Europe.
  • Ebrahim, Zaid. 2015. “History of the Ahmadiyya Jamat South Africa.” Al-Asr 55 (1): 3031.
  • Fisher, Humphrey. 1963Ahmadiyyah: A Study in Contemporary Islam on the West African CoastOxfordOxford University Press.
  • FCO (Foreign and Commonwealth Office). 2016Freedom of Religion or Belief Toolkit: How the FCO Can Help Promote and Protect This Human RightLondonFCO.
  • Gualtieri, Antonio. 2004The Ahmadis: Community, Gender, Politics in a Muslim SocietyMcGillQueen’s Press.
  • Hackett, Rosalind. 2011. “Regulating Freedom of Religion in Africa.” Emory International Law Review 25 (1): 854879.
  • Hanson, John. 2017The Ahmadiyya in the Gold Coast: Muslim Cosmopolitans in the British EmpireBloomington:Indiana University Press.
  • Haron, Muhammed. 1993. “Muslim News (1960–1986): An Expression of an Islamic Identity in South Africa.” InMuslim Identities in Sub-Saharan Africa: Contemporary Transformations in Muslim Societies, Edited Louis Brenner210225BloomingtonIndiana University Press.
  • Hurd, Elizabeth Shakman. 2015Beyond Religious Freedom: The New Global Politics of ReligionPrinceton, NJPrinceton University Press.
  • Jamil, Uzma. 2002. “Minorities and ‘Islamic States’: Explaining Bahai and Ahmadi Marginalization.” Unpublished MA Thesis., McGill University.
  • Kays, Abdul. 2006The Disciple of Dajjal: Exposing Mirza Ghulam Ahmed Qadiani’s Weird Creed. Revised & Abridged. Crown Mines. JohannesburgAl-Ilmu Noor Publications.
  • Khan, Adil H. 2015From Sufism to Ahmadiyya: A Muslim Minority Movement in South AsiaBloomingtonIndiana University Press.
  • Kramer, Gudren, and Sabine Schimdtke, eds. 2006Speaking for Islam: Religious Authorities in Muslim SocietiesLeiden:E.J. Brill. Oguntayo, Ibrahim. 2016. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2016/11/future-ahmadiyya-nigeria-beyond-first-century/
  • Panggabean, Samsu R. 2016. “Policing Sectarian Conflict in Indonesia: The Case of Shi’ism.” In Religion, Law and Intolerance in Indonesia, edited by Tim Lindsey, and Helen Pausacker271288LondonRoutledge.
  • Qadir, Ali. 2016. “How Heresy Makes Orthodoxy: The Sedimentation of Sunnism in the Ahmadi Cases of South Africa.” Sociology of Islam 4 (4): 345367. doi: 10.1163/22131418-00404001
  • Saeed, Sadia. 2007. “Pakistani Nationalism and the State Marginalisation of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan.”Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 7 (3): 132152. doi: 10.1111/j.1754-9469.2007.tb00166.x
  • Samwini, Nathan. 2006Muslim Resurgence in Ghana Since 1951: Its Effects upon Muslims and Christian-Muslim RelationsMünsterLIT Verlag.
  • Schafer, Saskia. 2018. “Ahmadis or Indonesians? The Polarization of Post-Reform Public Debates on Islam and Orthodoxy.” Critical Asian Studies 50 (1): 1636. doi: 10.1080/14672715.2017.1404925
  • Simmie, Tsedenya. 2017Religious Freedom and Society in AfricaNew Haven, CTThe Whitney and Betty MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies, Yale University, 3 May.
  • Sullivan, Winnifred FallersElizabeth Shakman HurdSaba Mahmood, and Peter G. Danchin, eds. 2015Politics of Religious FreedomChicago, ILUniversity of Chicago Press.
  • Talbot, Ian. 2007. “Religion and Violence: The Historical Context for Conflict in Pakistan.” In Religion and Violence in South Asia: Theory and Practice, edited by John Hinnels and Richard King147163LondonRoutledge.
  • Turkson, Peter K. 2007Ghana: If Islam becomes an Enigma. Oasis, January 10. MilanFoundation International.
  • Wajahat Ali et al. 2011Fear Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in AmericaWashington, DCCentre for American Progresshttps://www.americanprogress.org/issues/religion/report/2011/08/26/10165/fear-inc/ Fear, Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America],“ Wajahat Ali, Eli Clifton, Matthew Duss, Lee Fang, Scott Keyes, and Faiz Shakir.

Links and Related Essays

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/09/20/islam-vs-ahmadiyya-in-nigeria-1975-by-dr-ismail-a-b-balogan-b-a-ph-d-london-university-of-ibadan/

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15570274.2018.1535048?af=R&

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/08/09/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-told-indians-to-pray-for-the-success-of-the-british-government-1897/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/05/22/ahmadiyya-in-gambia/

FISHER, HUMPHREY (1963). AHMADIYYAH: A STUDY IN CONTEMPORARY ISLAM ON THE WEST AFRICAN COAST. OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS. P. 130.CENTENARY KHILAFAT-E-AHMADIYYA. TAHRIK-E-JADID ANJUMAN AHMADIYYA PAKISTAN. 2008. P. 296.

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/05/22/ahmadiyya-in-gambia/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/02/19/dr-balogan-the-famous-african-ahmadi-who-left-ahmadiyya-in-1974/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/09/01/who-is-farimang-mamadi-singhateh-the-governor-general-of-the-gambia-and-an-ahmadi/

Islam, A Study in contemporay Islam on the West African Coast by Humphrey J. Fisher (1963) Pages 1-25

Islam, A Study in contemporay Islam on the West African Coast by Humphrey J. Fisher (1963) pages 26-61

Islam, A Study in contemporay Islam on the West African Coast by Humphrey J. Fisher (1963) pages 62-99

Islam, A Study in contemporay Islam on the West African Coast by Humphrey J. Fisher (1963) pages 99-141

Islam, A Study in contemporay Islam on the West African Coast by Humphrey J. Fisher (1963) pages 141-183

Islam, A Study in contemporay Islam on the West African Coast by Humphrey J. Fisher (1963) pages 141 to end

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/09/01/the-ahmadiyya-playbook-in-africa/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/02/19/dr-balogan-the-famous-african-ahmadi-who-left-ahmadiyya-in-1974/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/09/01/who-is-farimang-mamadi-singhateh-the-governor-general-of-the-gambia-and-an-ahmadi/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/09/20/professor-humphrey-j-fisher-and-j-spencer-trimingham-called-ahmadiyya-a-maritime-implantation-in-west-africa/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/?s=Fisher

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/?s=above+the+law

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/?s=violent+jihad

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/bulletin-of-the-school-of-oriental-and-african-studies/article/humphrey-j-fisher-ahmadiyyah-a-study-in-contemporary-islam-on-the-west-african-coast-x-206-pp-london-etc-oxford-university-press-for-the-nigerian-institute-of-social-and-economic-research-1963-35s/4E2803CA59EC8969CDC8FB27BFDC9059

https://books.google.com/books/about/The_Ahmadiyya_Movement_in_Nigeria.html?id=91fKHAAACAAJ

https://books.google.com/books?id=C2DxBwAAQBAJ&pg=PA11&lpg=PA11&dq=Humphrey+J+Fisher+and+ahmadiyya&source=bl&ots=-eayPuf3b5&sig=kFuL6U5O65Sh0_d66-Mge0VOmPM&hl=en&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjHwaSon8rdAhWQIDQIHQGcD_AQ6AEwDHoECAIQAQ#v=onepage&q=Humphrey%20J%20Fisher%20and%20ahmadiyya&f=false

Tags
#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiMosqueattack #AhmadiyyaPersecution #Mosqueattack #trueislam #atifmian
#mkanigeria #nigeria #ahmadiyyainnigeria

 

 

Who is Qazi Muhammad Zahuruddin Akmal? (1881–1967)

Intro
Qazi Muhammad Zahuruddin Akmal was a pawn of Mirza Basheer-ud Din Mahmud before and after his Khilafat, he was never a Qazi (Judge), this was a name that was given to him out of respect.  He was born on March 25, 1881 in Goleki, Pakistan, he was the son of an Maulana Imam ud Din (it is unclear whether he was an Ahmadi or not.  He went to a mission-school in Gujrat, Pakistan for his schooling starting in 1895, by 1897, he matriculated, he then traveled to Qadian and signed the bait form.  He grew up to be a hard-core Qadiani-Ahmadi and was willing to do anything to please the Mirza family.  He was a sickly-man.  He barely matriculated, he never went to college, he was sick all the time!!  In 1906, he moved to Qadian and became an assistant editor of the Al-Badr, he wrote a few books while at Qadian, “Tasdiq ul Maseeh”, “Zahoor Ul Maseeh”, “Zahoor Ul Mahdi”, “Miyar ul Sadiqeen”, “Shahadutal Furqan” and many others.  Shortly thereafter, per Ahmadiyya sources, he was transferred to the editorship of Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad’s magazine, the Tashhidhul Adhhan.  As soon as the Al-Fazl started, he was then transferred to the editorship of the Al-Fazl.  In fact, Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad could not have launched this magazine without Qazi Muhammad Zahuruddin Akmal.  He went on to be an editor for the Urdu edition of the Review of Religions.  In 1926, he was the main editor of the Misbah (Ahmadiyya women’s magazine), which lasted 11 years til 1937.  In 1937, Qazi Muhammad Zahuruddin Akmal became the editor of all Ahmadiyya magazines, as management of magazines was centralized.  He seems to have retired in 1948.

TIMELINE

1895 to 1906
It seems that he matriculated and then wrote many essays in support of Ahmadiyya in various newspapers of British India.  He wrote many novels also, he seems to have been a novelist.  Ahmadiyya sources tell us that whatever people wanted him to write about, he would do it.  By 1904, he had written 4 novels in total,

1906

–He is hired as an editor of the Al-Badr by Mufti Muhammad Sadiq (who had just became the editor).  He is paid 15 rupees per month and moves to Qadian.  He was offered the same deal by the editor of the Al-Hakam, Shaikh Yacub Ali Irfani, however, he turned it down, citing a conflict of interest.

–He then writes some poetry wherein he calls MGA as greater than Muhammad (saw)(Naozobillah), it gets published in the Ahmadiyya newspaper Al-Badr (See the 1974 NA proceedings page 785 (pdf page 410) and the Al-Badr of Oct. 25th, 1906.  The poem is as follows:

Urdu: 
“Mohammad phir uttar aaye hain hum main
Aagay say hain barah kar apni shaan main”

English: 
“Muhammad has appeared among us again,
He is in greater glory than before.”

Scan work of Al-Badr

PDF of Al-Badr, Oct. 25, 1906
Albadr 25 Oct 1906[1947]

(See the Al-Badr issue of October 25, 1906 and  ‘Kya Maulvi Muhammad Ali Sahib Sarasar Ghalt Aur Baybuniyad Ilzam Wapas Lain Gay?’ published in August 13, 1944 issue of Al-Fazl).

This poem was quoted in the Al-Fazl many years later
This poem was originally recited in presence of MGA in 1906 and MGA was very happy to hear it and praised with words ‘Jazak-Allah’. Further Al-fazal wrote that this poem written in calligraphic handwriting was presented to HMGA and he took it with him to his home to show it to his family. In AlFazal article a case was built that (elders of LAM including) Maulana Muhammad Ali, Khawaj Kamal ud Din, Shaikh Rehmatullah, Mirza Yaqub Baig, Syed Muhammad Hussain…..held the same opinion, and it was translated from Persian (original language of poem) into Urdu. And that Maulana Muhammad Ali was present in gathering when poem was recited to HMGA.

1907
He writes:

“Mahmud, the brightest star and crown jewel of prophethood – may God the Benevolent protect him – stood up to deliver an address on the topic of shirk [associating partners with God]. I paid particular attention to his speech. How am I to express it in words? It was an ocean of eloquence, flowing with great force. Undoubtedly, to have such sound thoughts at such a young age is no less than a miracle. In my opinion, this also is a sign of the Promised Messiah’sas truthfulness. This makes evident the grand status and beauty of the moral training he received under the guidance of the Promised Messiahas. (He spoke on matters of spiritual excellences in an extraordinary manner.” (Al Hakam, 10 January 1907) (Swaneh Fazle Umar, Vol 1, pp. 121-122)(see here–http://www.alhakam.org/musleh-e-maud-the-prophecy-and-its-fulfillment/).

1913
According to the Khalifa, Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad and per his 1922 book Aenas Sadaqat, Qazi Muhammad Zahuruddin Akmal was the de facto editor of the Tashhidhul Adhhan magazine (See “Truth About the Split”, 2007 online english edition).  He also began helping Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad in editing the Al-Fazl.

1914
March-April time-frame
Qazi Muhammad Zahur-ud-Din published an article in the Tashhidhul Adhhan wherein the Khalifa asserted that MGA was mentioned in the Quran in the famous Chapter 61:6 (Ismuhu Ahmad verse, his name being Ahmad in english)(See “Truth About the Split”, 2007 online english edition).

1915-1916
Mr. Akmal seems to have been a private secretary of the Khalifa, Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad and corresponded on his behalf with the famous Muhammad Ahsan Amrohi.  Amrohi seemed to be confused about the new beliefs of the Khalifa, he was also very old at this time and most likely vacillating (See “Two sections of the Ahmadiyya Movement” by Muhammad Ali, 1918).  By December of 1916, Muhammad Ahsan Amrohi had totally denounced the Khalifa at Qadian and it is unclear whether he became a Lahori-Ahmadi or a Sunni/Shia.

1924
He seems to have also been an editor of the Review of Religions, it is unclear which version, Urdu or English, it was most likely Urdu (See Hidden Treasures).

1947
He moved to Lahore from Qadian, with the Ahmadiyya entourage.

1956
After living in Lahore for almost 10 years, he finally moved to Rabwah.

1967
He died and is buried at Rabwah in Bahishti Maqbara, his funeral prayers were led by the 3rd Khalifa.

Links and Related Essays
https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2016/10/20/tashhiz-al-azhan-was-a-magazine-founded-by-mahmud-ahmad-in-1906/

Pakistan National Assembly Proceedings of 1974 against Ahmadis

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2016/10/20/tasheeshazul-adhan-was-a-magazine-founded-by-mahmud-ahmad-in-1913/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/01/20/my-beliefs-about-non-ahmadi-muslims-dated-18-august-1911-by-khwaja-kamal-uddin/

http://alhafeez.org/rashid/abuse/abuse.htm

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/08/01/prophethood-among-the-followers-of-muhammad-by-maulana-sayyid-muhammad-ahsan-of-amroha-oct-1913-in-tashhizul-azhan/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/08/03/some-quotes-from-mirza-basheer-uddin-mahmud-ahmads-magazine-tashhiz-al-ahzan/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2016/10/20/tashhiz-al-azhan-was-a-magazine-founded-by-mahmud-ahmad-in-1906/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/?s=Ahsan

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/05/19/who-is-shaikh-yacub-ali-irfani/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/08/01/prophethood-among-the-followers-of-muhammad-by-maulana-sayyid-muhammad-ahsan-of-amroha-oct-1913-in-tashhizul-azhan/

https://www.alislam.org/v/2353.html

Musleh-e-Maud: The Prophecy and its Fulfillment

Tags
#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiMosqueattack #AhmadiyyaPersecution #Mosqueattack #trueislam #atifmian

Khawaja Kamaluddin and the Al-Fazl in 1919

Intro
We have found in the archives an interesting interview that was conducted by the “Qadiani’s”.  They seem to have interviewed a prominent “Lahori” Ahmadi, Khawaja Kamaluddin.  Who had written an extensive book on the split at the end of 1914.  The premise for this interview seems to be that Kwaja Kamaluddin and the Lahori-Ahmadi’s were downgrading the status of MGA to Europe and barely even mentioning Muhammad (saw), however, these were the instructions as given by Noorudin.  Noorudin had defended the Khwaja in 1912 also.

The Copy and paste job

Mumbai, India

Khawaja [Kamaluddin] Sahib arrived at Bombay [now Mumbai] and stayed there for a week. He did not deliver any lecture during these days. Although he used to say that his mission no longer needed the support of Chanda [monetary funds], he privately appealed for Chandaon a number of occasions during his short stay. It is not known if he collected anything or not.

Apparently, Khawaja Sahib seemed healthy but he said that he was unwell. The doctor had also prescribed him to sit aside and abandon all activities because of poor health.

In the given circumstances, Khawaja Sahib constantly complained about his health, so it was not easy to have a regular conversation with him and to have a detailed discussion on the issues of mutual dispute was all the more difficult.

However, this humble one met him twice in those days. We had incoherent discussions on the issues of mutual dispute; the incoherency was due to the fact that whenever the conversation would ensue, Khawaja Sahib would complain of suffering from extreme headaches and the conversation would have to be halted. Either that or at times, someone would come to meet Khawaja Sahib and he would discontinue the ongoing discussion and begin to talk with that person. As a continuous coherent discussion was not held with Khawaja Sahib, therefore I was unable to comprehend the actual idea behind his disputes with the Ahmadiyya Jamaat.

Neither did Khawaja Sahib publicly announce his adherence towards a particular stance nor did he speak against it. So, we can say that in one manner Khawaja Sahib stands by the Lahori group while on the other hand, he stands against it. Therefore, Khawaja Sahib has even admitted on certain occasions that the Lahori Jamaat is also mistaken as is, according to him, the Qadiani Jamaat.

Below is the summary of Khawaja Sahib’s strange and unique discourse which was held during the discussion:

1. Speaking about the tabligh activities of Hazrat Mufti Sahib and Qazi Abdullah Sahib, Khawaja Sahib half-heartedly complemented the works of Qazi Abdullah Sahib while he expressed great displeasure regarding Mufti Sahib. He said:

“It is not at all difficult in London to persuade someone to accept the prophethood of any person and it is a common practice that eminent persons are called prophets over there. For this reason, certain people even call me a messenger and a prophet. Therefore, it is rather insignificant if Mufti Sahib managed to persuade a few persons to accept the prophethood of Mirza Sahib.”

Perhaps Khawaja Sahib forgot to use the word “poison” during the course of the discussion and just because of the enmity which he had for respected Mufti Sahib, the same work which he previously considered as a deadly poison became a trivial matter.

2. Responding to the question as to why he refrained from mentioning [the name of] the Promised Messiahas in London, Khawaja Sahib gave two answers. Firstly, he said, “Maulvi Nuruddin Sahib instructed me to only persuade [the people of] London to accept لَا اِلٰہَ اِلَّا اللّٰہ [There is none worthy of worship accept Allah], but we even manage to convince them to accept مُحَمَّدٌ رَّسُوْلُ اللّٰہ [Muhammad is the messenger of Allah].”

Secondly, he said, “How could we mention [the name of] Mirza Sahib in London? Mentioning [his name] would require us to present his prophecies … but the people of London do not understand these matters.”

I replied, “Are you unaware of the manifest difference between the prophecies of prophets and non-prophets?” He said that he was aware of it but considered it inappropriate at that time.

I asked him, “What did you say about the Holy Prophetsa and how did you mention his name?” He said, “We do not even distinctly present Hazrat Muhammadsa. Islam is against any kind of distinction, therefore we mention [his name] in passing during discussions. Thus, if we do not even present the Holy Prophetsa openly, how can we mention [the name of] Mirza Sahib?”

This humble one deduced from Khawaja Sahib’s discourse that either he lacks true faith in the prophecies of the Promised Messiahas or if he believes in them, then he is unaware of the difference between the prophecies of prophets and non-prophets. Yet if he is aware of it, then he lacks the courage to present them or he has been overawed by the soothsayers of London to the degree that he refrains from presenting even the prophecies of the Holy Prophetsa. Keeping this in view, the way he persuaded people to believe in the existence of the Living and Self-Sustaining God is surprisingly difficult to comprehend!

Khawaja Sahib would give lengthy answers and left very little time for me to ask questions, as a result of which he would refute some of his own previous statements in the extensive discourse.

3. During the discussion on Sadr Anjuman Ahmadiyya and its registered principles, Khawaja Sahib clearly admitted the fact that it was he who prepared its manuscript and the article was also his, and the Promised Messiahas just signed it. [He further said] that utilising all his abilities of law, he had deliberately prepared that manuscript so that the Anjuman could function exclusively and the series of successorship may not advance.

4. Khawaja Sahib was asked as to why he denounced Khilafat when he had himself published an announcement on behalf of the Anjuman regarding Hazrat Khalifatul Masih Ira that the directives of Hazrat Maulvi Nuruddin Sahib would be worthy of acceptance as were that of the Promised Messiahas.In the same announcement, he urged people to take Bai‘at at the hand of Hazrat Khalifatul Masih Ira?

Answering this question, he replied that even he wanted Mian Sahib [Hazrat Khalifatul Masih IIra] to become the Khalifa but Mian Sahib himself refused when people asked him.

I asked Khawaja Sahib, “What is the reason for not accepting Hazrat Mian Sahib as the Khalifa now?” He replied by saying, “I can have a conversation with you at another time perhaps. Currently, I am experiencing another extreme headache.”

5. Discussing the issue of prophethood, Khawaja Sahib said, “There is only a verbal dispute between the Jamaats of Lahore and Qadian [concerning prophethood]. The sense in which Mian Sahib [Hazrat Khalifatul Masih IIra] considers Hazrat Mirza [Ghulam Ahmad] Sahib to be a prophet in his book Haqiqat-un-Nubuwwah [Reality of Prophethood], in short, is that a new Shariah [divine law] is not mandatory for prophethood and instead, receiving divine prophecies is a category of prophethood as well. Hence, the meanings in which Mian Sahib has declared Hazrat Mirza Sahib as a prophet in Haqiqat-un-Nubuwwah, we too consider Hazrat Mirza Sahib to be a prophetin that sense.”

Regarding Maulvi Muhammad Ali Sahib’s book Al-Nubuwwah fil-Islam [Prophethood in Islam], Khawaja Sahib said that Mualvi Muhammad Ali Sahib claimed that a new Shariah was mandatory for prophethood and making all efforts, he had only presented a single argument in his widely extensive book, i.e. “And if there comes to you guidance from Me” [Surah al-Baqarah, Ch.2: V.39]) and interpreted “guidance” as a new Shariah.

Khawaja Sahib did not outright reject Maulvi Muhammad Ali Sahib’s book Al-Nubuwwah fil-Islamand its argument in plain words. However, he carried out the above-mentioned discussion in a tone which suggested his rejection. At that time, our friend Saith Ismail Sahib and Shah Muhammad Khan Sahib were also present. Khawaja Sahib said something peculiar during the discussion … He said that true faith denoted practice and the true meaning of belief could not be fulfilled if it lacked practice.

The conclusion which he drew from that discourse was that practice is a part of belief and the commandments of the Shariah must be practiced, therefore the person on whom it is mandatory to have one’s belief and whose denial makes one fall in the category of a non-believer, he should be a law-bearing prophet. Hearing Khawaja Sahib’s ingenious scholarly discussion reminded us of sihrun-mubin – plain magic – about which people say that as Hazrat Mirza Sahib was not declared a magician by anybody, therefore he is not that prophet or “Ahmad”whose coming was foretold in (the verse):

يَأْتِي مِنْ بَعْدِي اسْمُهُ أَحْمَدُ

“He who will come after me, his name will be Ahmad.” (Surah al-Saff, Ch.61: V.7)

I asked Khawaja Sahib, “As you have explained the wisdom behind the belief, please tell us the meaning of Shariah”, but he did not pay heed to our question. Then I asked him, “Is there a separate Shariah to have believe in God?” Khawaja Sahib replied:

تخلقوا باخلاق اللّٰہ

“Adopt the ways of God.” I then said, “What is meant by having belief in the Promised Messiahasand a mujadid [reformer]? Also, what is meant by believing in Jesusas, Mosesas, all other prophets, angels, hell, heaven and the Hereafter? Is there a separate Shariah of every prophet and is it mandatory for every prophet to have a new Shariah?” Khawaja Sahib did not respond to this question and it was said that Khawaja Sahib’s headache began to worsen.

Our friend, Shah Muhammad Khan Sahib began to massage his head with oil and Khawaja Sahib lay down. I stayed seated in the hope of resuming the discussion after he recovered and in fact to have some more discussions on the issue of Khilafat.

Meanwhile, a person came to meet Khawaja Sahib. He got up and spoke with that person for a significant period of time. Fortunately, he did not experience any headache during that period. Despite having a long discourse, his condition continued to improve. As it was a Sunday and it was time for my lecture in the Ahmadiyya Hall, I left.

A peculiar trait was observed in Khawaja Sahib in that he saw the Jamaat of Qadian and the people of Lahore with the same lens. He does not mention the name of the Ahmadiyya Jamaat before non-Ahmadis at first. However, if he does mention it, then apart from saying that the Jamaat of Qadian is erroneous, he moves on to say that the people of Lahore are mistaken as well, meaning that both are treading the wrong path. In this manner, he responded to the respected non-Ahmadi who came to meet him in my presence.

In one way, I am grateful to Khawaja Sahib, but on the other hand, I am displeased; grateful in the sense that he acted with patience when he came across the name and mention of Hazrat Khaliftul Masih II and did not use any harsh words while talking with me, however I complain … on the grounds that Khawaja Sahib did not show tolerance when he came across the mention of Hazrat Mufti Sahib and, in fact, became furious.

(Translated by Junaid Ahmad Waraich, Pakistan)

Links and Related Essays

100 Years Ago… – A discussion with Khawaja Kamaluddin Sahib

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/?s=Khwaja

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2016/10/16/the-causes-of-internal-dissensions-in-the-ahmadiyya-movement-by-kwaja-kamaluddin-1914/

Mirza Ghulam Ahmad called Maulvi Sa’dullah as the son of a prostitute (1897) in Anjam-e-Athim

Intro
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad loved to curse his opponents.  His favorite method of cursing was to call someone as a “sons of a prostitutes” (Zurrayatul Baghaya), or bitch or pig, or to call a man a woman or womanly.  There are so many instances.  MGA even called the wife of his first cousin as a prostitute, the Ahmadiyya editing team edited this out also, however, we have found it.  It seems that in 1897, MGA and his team called Sa’dullah as a son of prostitutes (ibn Bagha).  However, after Sa’dullah died in 1907, MGA refused to even mention that part of his poetry from 10 years earlier.  Interestingly enough, Mirza Bashir Ahmad tells us that Muhammad Ali ( one of MGA’s lawyer’s and employees) told MGA not to mention how he had called Sa’dullah as the son of prostitutes, since Muhammad Ali feared legal recourse.  This would be defamation, MGA had narrowly escaped a defamation case in 1904.  Dard tells us it was Khwaja Kamaluddin and not Muhammad Ali however.  However, by 1935, Mirza Bashir Ahmad said: The lawyer was Khwajah Kamal-ud-Din. In al-Hakam, volume 38, number 7, February 28, 1935, pages 3–4, narrating the eye-witness accounts of Maulavi Muhammad Ibrahim Baqapuri (see the 2009 online edition of Tadhkirah).

In 1897, MGA (and his team) wrote Arabic poetry about his opponents
He called Saadullah ‘son of prostitution’ in an Arabic poem and translated it into Persian as it is in Arabic.  Years later (1907), when Mirza was gloating over the death of Saadullah, he left out the vile epithet in the Urdu translation — not once, but twice:

Original with correct Persian translation. (Anjam-e-Atham, RK vol. 11, page 282):

“””You have pained me with filth and I would not be truthful

If you do not die in humiliation, O son of Prostitution (ibn Bagha)”””””
 

Then, on page 446 of the Appendix of Haqeeqat-ul-Wahi (RK, vol. 22), there is no mention of the offensive phrase in the translation:

And again on page 450 of the same, there is a longer translation, but no mention of the abusive phrase that is there in Arabic.  Mirza mentions that the translations are his own.

The 2019 english edition of Haqiqatul Wahy
The english edition of this book also has the entire line wherein MGA calls him the son of prostitutes as not mentioned (see pages , 554, 559 and 564).

Bashir Ahmad Rafiq mentioned the quote in his book however
An Imam of the Ahmadiyya movement, Bashir Ahmad Rafiq wrote a book entitled, “Truth about Ahmadiyya”, 6 editions were published between 1978 and 1992 in German and English.  Bashir Ahmad Rafiq claims that Ibn Bagha only means son of the wicked.  See here also—“”””You have persecuted me out of your vileness and now if you do not die in disgrace, oh wicked one ibn baghaI will not have been proved truthful in my claim.””””(anjam e athim, 1897)(Taken from https://www.alislam.org/books/truth/opponents.html, middle of the webpage, retrieved on 11-9-16).

Muhammad Ali advised MGA to leave out the Ibn Bagha and other quotes out of Haqiqatul Wahy
MGA also mentions this in HW.  However, by 1935, Mirza Bashir Ahmad said: The lawyer was Khwajah Kamal-ud-Din. In al-Hakam, volume 38, number 7, February 28, 1935, pages 3–4, narrating the eye-witness accounts of Maulavi Muhammad Ibrahim Baqapuri (see the 2009 online edition of Tadhkirah).  

Seeratul Mehdi, page 31 part 1.

(42) stated to me by shaikh Abdurehman misri that once Hazrat sb (MGAQ) kept sitting after zuhur prayer in masjid of qadiyanan. Few days ago hazrat sb has written that Saadullah will remain without progeny. His son that is alive today , is impotent, will surely not be able to take his name ahead. This humble self says that saadullah was worst enemy of hazrat sb and used to talk bad against him. But before publishing this ” ishtihar” molvi Muhammad Ali advised hazrat sb that publishing such ishtihar would be against law . He said if Saadullah filed a suit in the court we would not be in a position to prove impotency of his son. Hazrat sb did not agree, when molvi Muhammad Ali insisted on his advise , hazrat sb,s face turned red he got infuriated and said “when a prophet gets himself armed and comes to battle field, he does not disarm him”.

The scan

15037145_681572665337043_4015612836520139162_n

 

Links and Related Essays
https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/09/14/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-cursed-at-his-critics-even-calling-them-pigs-and-bitches/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2016/11/10/mgas-beef-with-saadullah-and-the-zarrayatul-baghaya-insult/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/05/26/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-wrote-vulgarities-in-arabic-also-new-research-from-arab-ex-ahmadis/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/05/30/who-is-maulvi-saadullah-or-saadullah-or-sadullah-of-ludhiana-died-jan-1907/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/10/26/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-called-his-first-cousins-wife-a-prostitute/

https://www.alislam.org/library/book/truth-about-ahmadiyyat/opponents-promised-messiah/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/10/15/mirza-ghulam-ahmads-debate-with-batalvi-summer-of-1891-was-stopped-by-the-british-govt-on-mgas-behalf/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/03/19/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-had-5-written-debates-no-oral-debates/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/05/28/nurul-haqq-part-1-quotes-and-background-data/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/02/20/hani-tahir-describes-mirza-ghulam-ahmads-vulgar-writings/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/03/29/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-wrote-1000-curses-for-this-opponents/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/09/26/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-wrote-that-the-quran-used-harsh-words-thus-its-ok-to-do-so/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/09/14/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-cursed-at-his-critics-even-calling-them-pigs-and-bitches/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/04/27/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-wanted-all-humans-who-reject-him-to-die/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/12/01/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-vs-batalvi-1891-1892-era-mga-sent-10-lanats-on-batalvi/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/05/26/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-wrote-vulgarities-in-arabic-also-new-research-from-arab-ex-ahmadis/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/08/26/a-rare-book-by-ahmadiyya-found-hazrat-masih-maoud-kee-sadaqat-kaa-aik-our-nishan-zahir-hua/

Tags
#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiMosqueattack #AhmadiyyaPersecution #trueislam

Who is Maulvi Sa’adullah or Saadullah or Sa’dullah of Ludhiana (died Jan-1907)??

Intro
As soon as MGA made his wild claims of Messiah-ship in late 1890, many Muslims came forward and challenged MGA to debates and etc.  Maulvi Sa’dullah was one such Muslim he was a convert to Islam from Hinduism and worked as the school master at the Christian Mission School at Ludhiana .  In 1892-1893, MGA had called Sa’dullah the famous arabic derogatory phrase, “Zarrayatul Baghaya”.  Ahmadiyya sources claim that MGA made a prophecy about Sa’dullah in a book called “Anwar-ul-Islam” (Urdu) which was published in 1894, 3 years after MGA had his initial altercation with Sa’dullah.  In 1897, MGA wrote some poetry vs. Sa’dullah to the effect that God should make a decision between them, he also called Sa’dullah as the son of prostitutes (Ibn Bagha).  Sa’dullah died in January of 1907, 3-5 months later in May of 1907, as Haqiqatul Wahy was published, MGA claimed that Sa’dullah died of plague and mubahila.  MGA also purposely left out his poetry wherein he called Sa’dullah as the son of prostitutes (ibn Bagha), Mirza Bashir Ahmad claims that Muhammad Ali advised MGA to leave this out, in fear of legal recourse, i.e. the son of Sa’dullah might have sued for defamation.  Dard tells us it was Khwaja Kamaluddin and not Muhammad Ali however.  However, by 1935, Mirza Bashir Ahmad said: The lawyer was Khwajah Kamal-ud-Din. In al-Hakam, volume 38, number 7, February 28, 1935, pages 3–4, narrating the eye-witness accounts of Maulavi Muhammad Ibrahim Baqapuri (see the 2009 online edition of Tadhkirah).

1894
Maulvi Sa’dullah writes a book vs. MGA entitled: “Shahab-e-Thaqib bar Masih-e-Kadhib” which means that “Fire shall descend upon this false Messiah”.  MGA claims that this book was written 4 years before MGA (there is a small math issue here) predicted Sa’dullah’s death (1897) (see Haqiqatul Wahy, online english edition, page 555).

Some quotes from poems in “Shahab-e-Thaqib bar Masih-e-Kadhib”
See Life of Ahmad, online english edition, page 431, Ahmadi sources tell us Mir Nasir Nawab published a response to Maulvi Sa’dullah (see Dard)
‘Listen, O prophet of Qadian, accursed, shameless and Satan incarnate Just as a Qalandar makes his bear dance by repeating to it the words,

“May thy grannie die”, we are now determined to make you dance a similar dance.’

Again:

There have been many immodest and shameless persons in the world, but your shamelessness has surpassed all. It will be very difficult for you to save your beard, head and moustache, for the barber must now shave you clean.”
Again :

MGA quoted this book in Haqiqatul Wahy, see pages 556-558
This is from a poem that Sa’dullah wrote vs. MGA in persian, Sa’dullah quoted 69:45 of the Quran also: 

“”””The translation of these verses—which he addresses to me in his book—is the following:

It has been ordained by God that He would seize you and cut your jugular vein and then, after your death, this, your false Movement, will be destroyed. And although you people say that
trials do indeed come, on the Day of Judgment and even in this world you will die a death of loss and frustration.

If he had falsely attributed even a trivial statement to Us (al-Haqqah, 69:45).

You will suffer humiliation everywhere and there is no honour for you here or in the Hereafter.

Sa’dullah wrote additional poetry in his book, and MGA quoted it
Sa’dullah called these as supplicatory couplets as”Qadiul-Hajat” in english as “The Provider of all Needs”:

“””O my Self-Sufficient Lord! You bestowed upon me the darlings of my heart,
But some of them you snatched back.
God my Lord! Grant me a better substitute, and help me, by Your grace,
to eradicate worries and distress.
O my Gracious Lord! Each one of my wives and children is the delight of my eyes.
My heart is full of acute pain and grief,
On account of the death of my dear ones!””””

Ahmadiyya sources claim that MGA made a prophecy to the effect that Sa’dullah’s lineage will be child less
In typical MGA fashion, Ahmadiyya sources claim that in 1894, MGA made a prophecy to the effect that Sa’dullah’s lineage will be cut off.  However, in Islam this is not proper.  In fact, the lineage of Muhammad (saw) was purposely cut off.  Thus, MGA and his team are out of line making such an assertion.

1893-May, in MGA’s book, “Sachai Ka Izar” or “The Truth Revealed” in english
In this book, MGA wrote Maulvi Sa’dullah’s name and invited him for Mubahila (see page 20).

The Quote from Anwar ul Islam (1894)
In Haqiqatul Wahy, MGA lists this prophecy as sign #167 of his truth.  He quotes Anwar ul Islam as follows:

[Surely, it is your enemy who is without issue.]

This ilham of MGA is actually a quranic verse, 108:3.  However, this alleged ilham is not specific to anyone.  The Ahmadiyya team of editors is guilty of lying to the masses.  The keyword here is “abtar” which MGA made a point of in Haqiqatul Wahy.  The original verse, as given to Muhammad (saw) is properly elucidated here.

In 1894, Sa’dullah already had a son ages 15-16
Per Ahmadiyya sources, Sa’dullah already had a son, thus this entire prophecy is fake (see Haqiqatul Wahy).  By 1907, when Sa’dullah died, this son was 28-29 years old.  He was Sa’dullah’s only son, per Ahmadiyya sources.  MGA claims that Sa’dullah’s only son has yet to have had a child, thus, this prophecy is fulfilled.  However, he was only 28-29 years old.  MGA goes on to assert that Sa’dullah’s son is unmarried and thus there is something very wrong about this entire scenario.

Dard tells us that Sa’ dullah’s son died in 1927 without children
“”Sa‘dullah’s son lived for about 20 years after him; he was married and his wife outlived
him but he died without issue, on 12-7-1926 at Koom Kalan (Ludhiana).”” (see Dard).  We seriously doubt this report.

1897, poetry vs. Sa’dullah in Anjam-e-Athim, MGA called him the son of a prostitute
In typical MGA fashion, he continued his tirade vs. Sa’dullah.

1907-Haqiqatul Wahy
MGA quotes his poetry from 1897, however, he purposely leaves out the lines wherein he calls Sa’dullah the son of a prostitute (Ibn Bagha).  Mirza Bashir Ahmad blamed Muhammad Ali.

MGA also mentions Sa’dullah as Sign#188 in Haqiqatul Wahy
Just a few pages after mentioning the idea that Sa’dullah’s lineage had been cut off, MGA goes on to assert that Sa’dullah’s death was even predicted by MGA himself.  MGA calls Sa’dullah as Munshi Sa‘dullah of Ludhiana.  MGA was claiming that he published an announcement about the death prophecy vs. Sa’dullah, however, no such announcement exists, he also claims that Sa’dullah verbally cussed at MGA and slandered him and predicted MGA’s death, however, none of that data has ever been seen.

Muhammad Ali advised MGA to leave out the Ibn Bagha  and other quotes out of Haqiqatul Wahy, MGA also mentions this in HW.  However, by 1935, Mirza Bashir Ahmad said: The lawyer was Khwajah Kamal-ud-Din. In al-Hakam, volume 38, number 7, February 28, 1935, pages 3–4, narrating the eye-witness accounts of Maulavi Muhammad Ibrahim Baqapuri (see the 2009 online edition of Tadhkirah).  

Seeratul Mehdi, page 31 part 1.

(42) stated to me by shaikh Abdurehman misri that once Hazrat sb (MGAQ) kept sitting after zuhur prayer in masjid of qadiyanan. Few days ago hazrat sb has written that Saadullah will remain without progeny. His son that is alive today , is impotent, will surely not be able to take his name ahead. This humble self says that saadullah was worst enemy of hazrat sb and used to talk bad against him. But before publishing this ” ishtihar” molvi Muhammad Ali advised hazrat sb that publishing such ishtihar would be against law . He said if Saadullah filed a suit in the court we would not be in a position to prove impotency of his son. Hazrat sb did not agree, when molvi Muhammad Ali insisted on his advise , hazrat sb,s face turned red he got infuriated and said “when a prophet gets himself armed and comes to battle field, he does not disarm him”.

The scan

15037145_681572665337043_4015612836520139162_n


1922
In the Khalifa’s book, “”A Present to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales””, the Khalifa mentions how the son of Maulvi Sa’dullah still has no children.  However, this is unverified and thus dubious.  

Links and Related Essays
https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/05/31/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-called-maulvi-sadullah-as-the-son-of-a-prostitute-1897-in-anjam-e-athim-it-was-later-edited-out/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2016/11/10/mgas-beef-with-saadullah-and-the-zarrayatul-baghaya-insult/

https://www.alislam.org/library/books/A-Present-to-His-Royal-Highness.pdf

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/10/15/mirza-ghulam-ahmads-debate-with-batalvi-summer-of-1891-was-stopped-by-the-british-govt-on-mgas-behalf/

https://www.alislam.org/library/books/The-Truth-Revealed.pdf

https://www.alislam.org/library/books/Haqiqatul-Wahi.pdf

https://www.alislam.org/library/book/truth-about-ahmadiyyat/opponents-promised-messiah/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/10/15/mirza-ghulam-ahmads-debate-with-batalvi-summer-of-1891-was-stopped-by-the-british-govt-on-mgas-behalf/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/03/19/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-had-5-written-debates-no-oral-debates/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/05/28/nurul-haqq-part-1-quotes-and-background-data/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/02/20/hani-tahir-describes-mirza-ghulam-ahmads-vulgar-writings/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/03/29/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-wrote-1000-curses-for-this-opponents/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/09/26/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-wrote-that-the-quran-used-harsh-words-thus-its-ok-to-do-so/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/09/14/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-cursed-at-his-critics-even-calling-them-pigs-and-bitches/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/04/27/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-wanted-all-humans-who-reject-him-to-die/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/12/01/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-vs-batalvi-1891-1892-era-mga-sent-10-lanats-on-batalvi/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/05/26/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-wrote-vulgarities-in-arabic-also-new-research-from-arab-ex-ahmadis/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/08/26/a-rare-book-by-ahmadiyya-found-hazrat-masih-maoud-kee-sadaqat-kaa-aik-our-nishan-zahir-hua/

Tags
#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiMosqueattack #AhmadiyyaPersecution #trueislam

Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and 2:62, the “Salvation” or “status” of Non-Muslim’s in an islamic state?

Intro
Chapter 2 of the Quran was revealed to Muhammad just after he arrived in Medina in roughly 2 A.H. and became the General/Leader of the “greater-medina-area”.  2:62 indirectly tells us that there is NO compulsion (see 2:256 also) for any person to join Islam or serve in the military.  These verses seem to be a “peace-time” teaching of Islam.  In fact, this entire Chapter teaches Muslims how to live in a diverse environment and lays the grass-roots for the most basic Islamic teaching, justice.

MGA and his team never really commented  on 2:62 until 1906
MGA never commented on this verse, nor did any of his “ghost-writers” until Dr. Abdul Hakim Khan wrote about it in his Tafsir of the Quran in 1905, which was marketed by the ROR.  In this Tafsir, Dr. Abdul Hakim Khan wrote that belief in MGA was not necessary for any Muslim.  This is where and when MGA took up this topic and he wrote a letter to Dr. Khan explaining how his rejectors were Kafirs.  After MGA died, his sons took this up, in 1911, Mirza Mahmud Ahmad (the soon to be Khalifa) began calling Non-Ahmadi-Muslims as Kafirs and quoting MGA’s letter of 1906.  The soon-to-be-Lahori-Ahmadi’s immediately disagreed, Khwaja Kamaluddin immediately issued a response wherein he claimed the son of the founder was wrong and etc.  This question was left to Nooruddin, who was disabled mentally and physically at the time.  More controversy followed, Noorudin died without officially solving the issue.  The Split happened and this was the main issue between the two groups, prophethood was also included, Ismuhu Ahmad was also included but dropped by 1923 by the Khalifa.  The Qadiani-sect did open Takfir in those days to all Muslims and to the Lahori-Ahmadi’s.  By 1923, the Khalifa ordered Ahmadi’s to stop doing open Takfir, the Takfir went silent, and has been silent and deceptive since 1923.  However, some of the hard-core Ahmadi’s will proudly call the deniers of MGA as Kafirs.

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan on 2:62 in the 1870’s via his Tafsir, “Tafsir-i-Ahmadi”
As we all know, MGA and his team copied Sir Syed Ahmad Khan almost word-for-word, except for the Jesus in India=Yuz Asaf theory, that is very unique to Ahmadiyya.  They also copied Sir Syed Ahmad Khan in terms of “Jesus is Dead” and Jinn=bacteria.  Nevertheless, we are sure that Sir Syed Ahmad Khan used this verse to explain that Christians, Sabians, Jews, and all other pagans were eligible for heaven.  Or at a minimum should be seen and treated as respectful members of society.

MGA never commented on 2:62 in the famous Braheen-e-Ahmadiyya
MGA and his team of writers/scribes totally avoided this verse in this book. It should be remembered that 100+ verses of Quran were touched on in this collection.

MGA waited until 1906 to commentate on this verse
To date, MGA and his team of writers never commented on this verse at all.  We haven’t found any evidence.  What we have found is that MGA was having his beef with an Ahmadi, Dr. Abdul Hakim Khan in 1906 over the implications of this verse.  Dr. Abdul Hakim Khan emphatically wrote in his commentary that belief in MGA was not necessary, which caused MGA to ex-communicate Dr. Khan and to declare Takfir to all Muslims in the world.

1911
Mirza Mahmud Ahmad quotes MGA’s letter to Dr. Khan and does open Takfir.  Kwaja Kamaluddin and Muhammadi Ali object.  Noorudin tries to keep the peace, but fails.

1914
The split happens, the Qadiani-sect breaks away while doing open-Takfir, the Lahori’s refuse to call the belief in MGA as mandatory and also call him a non-prophet type.

1917
Muhammad Ali (The Lahori-Ahmadi) publishes his commentary on the Quran and under this verse (2:62), he writes that it doesn’t actually mean that Christians and Jews can make it to heaven without belief in Muhammad (Saw) and Allah.

1923
The Ahmadiyya Khalifa orders Ahmadi’s to stop doing open Takfir, the Takfir goes underground.

1954
While in court, the Ahmadiyya Khalifa claims that he never meant to do Takfir, and it was only meant as talking down to Muslims and Lahori-Ahmadi’s, in other words, it was only symbolic Takfir.

The 1988 official-5-volume commentary of the Quran by Malik Ghulam Farid and others

 [5 volume commentary]

“””The verse important and much difference arisen about its meaning. Some who are not in the-habit Of making a deep study Of the Quran have hastily jump to the conclusion that, according to this verse, belief in Islam is not necessary. They say that anybody, whether he is a Muslim, Jew, Christian or any other, who sincerely believes in the Last Day and does good deeds will be saved. Nothing can be farther from the truth. The Quran emphatically declares in a number of verses that belief in the Holy Prophet and in his revelation is essential.”””

Additional info on this 5-volume commentary
This commentary seems to have been published in 1947 and then again in the 1960’s.  Those editions were destroyed by Ahmadiyya leadership.

1992

While commenting on this the 4th Khalifa says: [P22 Islam’s response to Contemporary Issues]

“”””As such, followers of all religions based on Divine revelation have been granted the assurance that provided they do not fail to recognize the truth of a new religion (despite their sincere efforts to understand) and stick honestly and truly to the values of their ancestral religion, they have nothing to fear from God and will not be denied salvation.”””

Links and Related Essays
https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.wordpress.com/2017/07/21/dr-abdul-hakim-khan-patialvi-vs-mga-continued/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2016/11/16/2009-tadhkirah-vs-the-2004-tadhkirah-in-terms-of-takfir/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/01/20/a-fake-ahmadiyya-response-to-our-essays-which-expose-ahmadiyya-takfir-from-ahmadi-answers-com/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/01/20/a-muslim-is-one-who-accepts-all-those-appointed-by-god-by-mirza-bashir-uddin-mahmud-ahmad-april-1911/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/01/20/my-beliefs-about-non-ahmadi-muslims-dated-18-august-1911-by-khwaja-kamal-uddin/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/01/18/in-1923-mirza-basheer-uddin-mahmud-ahmad-the-ahmadi-khalifa-he-ordered-ahmadis-to-stop-doing-takfir-on-muslims/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.wordpress.com/2017/07/16/dr-abdul-hakim-khan-patialvi-speaks-vs-mirza-ghulam-ahmad-1906-1907/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.wordpress.com/2017/07/15/dr-abdul-hakim-khan-predicted-mirza-ghulam-ahmads-death-the-evidence/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.wordpress.com/2017/06/07/a-word-for-word-translation-of-the-writings-of-dr-abdul-hakeen-khan-of-patiala/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.wordpress.com/2017/06/05/dr-khan-wrote-that-ahmadis-were-worhipping-mga-not-allah/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.wordpress.com/2017/05/07/new-research-data-books-by-dr-abdul-hakeem-khan-have-been-found-vs-mga/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.wordpress.com/2017/05/09/ahle-hadith-newspaper-vs-mirza-ghulam-ahmad-and-his-situation-with-dr-abdul-hakim-khan-of-patiala/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.wordpress.com/2017/05/07/dr-abdul-hakeem-khan-the-famous-ahmadi-apostate-wrote-an-english-translation-of-the-quran-in-1905/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.wordpress.com/2017/07/15/dr-abdul-hakim-khan-predicted-mirza-ghulam-ahmads-death-the-evidence/

Tags
#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiyyaPersecution #trueislam

Rashid Rida vs. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1901-1903 era)

Intro
He was an islamic scholar from Egypt and lived from 1865 to 1935.  Rida was born near Tripoli in Al-Qalamoun, (now in Lebanon but then part of Ottoman Syria within the Ottoman Empire). His early education consisted of training in “traditional Islamic subjects”. In 1884–5 he was first exposed to al-`Urwa al-wuthqa, the journal of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh.  In 1897 he left Syria for Cairo to collaborate with Abduh. The following year Rida launched al-Manar, a weekly and then monthly journal comprising Quranic commentary[9] at which he worked until his death in 1935, gradually distancing himself from the teachings of Abduh and adopting a Salafism closer to Saudi Wahhabism.[10]

Rashid Rida’s controversial beliefs
One of his controversial views was his support of Darwin’s theory of evolution.[13] To justify Darwinism, Rida considered it permissible to “interpret certain stories of the Qur’an in an allegorical manner, as, for example, the story of Adam.”.[14] He also believed that the origin of the human race from Adam is a history derived from the Hebrews and that Muslims are not obliged to believe in this account.[15]

Other controversial beliefs held by Rida included:
– His view that usury (riba) may be permitted in certain cases [16]
– His idea that building statues is permissible in Islam as long as there is no danger of their being devoted to improper religious uses.[17]
– His support of the British against the Ottomans [18]
– His view that “the minute living bodies which today have been made known by the microscope and are called microbes, may possibly be a species of Jinn[19]

His beef with MGA started in 1901
In MGA’s arabic only book, “I’jaz ul Masih”, he wrote about Rashid Rida as follows:

After Sheikh Mohammed Rashid Rida expressed his opinion on MGA’s book “إعجاز المسيح”, where he said that the non-arabic words and rhetoric are clear in it, MGA attacked Egypt, the Egyptians, their Arabism and their dialect.

بعد أن أبدى الشيخ محمد رشيد رضا رأيه بكتاب الميرزا “إعجاز المسيح”، حيث ذكر أنّ العُجمة فيه واضحة،

هاجم الميرزا مصرَ والمصريين وعروبتهم ولهجتهم وقال:

MGA said:

“The Messenger of Allah and the Lord of الورى did not call your land [meaning Egypt] the land of the Arabs, so do not slander to Allah and His Messenger, the slanderous has been disappointed”.

MGA also said this about Rashid Rida
MGA depicted Riḍā as a “jealous” and “arrogant” scholar who, like many others, not only rejected the message, but fueled the dislike of Indian Muslims against him and his followers (See Salafiyya, Ahmadiyya and European converts during the inter war period (2016) )

1912, Rashid Rida comes to British-India
In 1912, Rashid Rida seems to have traveled to Lucknow, British-India and held a debate with the local Ahmadi’s there (see Salafiyya, Ahmadiyya and European converts during the inter war period (2016)).  

1923, Rashid Rida and the Lahori-Ahmadi’s
See “””Salafiyya, Ahmadiyya, and European Converts to Islam in the Interwar Period””
Author(s): Umar Ryad

Salafiyya, Ahmadiyya and European converts during the inter war period (2016)

“”””After MGA died and by 1923, in general, Riḍā agreed with Khwaja Kamal-ud-Dinʼs “friends” and followers in Egypt and considered him a “moderate” follower of the Ahmadiyya. In 1923, Lord Headley, Kamal-ud-Din, and Abdul Mohye, the Arab mufti of the Woking Mosque (the Arab press gave him the title of the Mufti of the English Lands), passed through Egypt on their way to hajj. The trip was covered in a favorable light in the Islamic press in Egypt, including al-Manār. In Egyptian newspapers, Kamal-ud-Din found a suitable opportunity to defend the Lahore branch
of the Ahmadiyya and their faith as being a trend close to “mainstream” Islam.  Riḍā was not able to meet them in order to discuss his doubts regarding the Ahmadiyya with Kamal-ud-Din in person. At this point, Riḍā found that Kamal-ud-Din’s consideration of Ghulam Ahmad as merely a “reformer” was a good step by the Lahore branch towards the “true” Islam (Al-Manār 24, no. 8 (Aug. 1923), 583).  

Meanwhile, despite Riḍā’s appreciation of the Lahore Ahmadiyya missionary work in Europe, he was critical of their translation of the Qurʾān into English. The Lahore Ahmadiyya tried to circulate Mawlana Muḥammad ʿAlīʼs English translation of the Qurʾān in Egypt and Syria, but their attempt was resisted by the religious institution of al-Azhar, Riḍā himself, and his friend
Shaykh Muṣṭafā Najā (1852–1932), the mufti of Beirut. In his fatwā, Riḍā saw it as a “deviant” translation that contradicts the principles of Islam. He stated that the translation attempts to destroy Islam from within by disseminating the Ahmadiyya’s “false” doctrines on revelation and by abrogating Qurʾānic rulings, such as jihad (al-Manār 25, no. 10 (March 1925), 794–796).  In his view, Riḍā emphasized that Muḥammad ʿAlī intentionally distorted some verses related to the Messiah (al-masīḥ) in order to argue, based on these verses, that Ghulam Ahmad is the promised Messiah.  Riḍā urged Muslims not to rely on this translation, or on any other, to understand the Qurʾān, but rather to act according to its rulings in a direct manner.  However, Riḍā did believe that this translation and other Qurʾān translations could be used to invite non-Muslims to Islam, particularly those without knowledge of Arabic (al-Manār 29, no. 4 (July 1928), 268–271. See Mohamed Ali Mohamed Abou Sheishaa, “A
Study of the Fatwā by Rashid Riḍā on the Translation of the Qur’an,” Journal of the Society
for Qurʾānic Studies 1, no. 1 (Oct. 2001), available online: (http://www.islamicwritings.org/
quran/language/a-study-of-the-fatwa-by-rashid-rida-on-the-translation-of-the-quran/).
Cf. Moch Nur Ichwan, “Differing Responses to an Ahmadi Translation and Exegesis: The
Holy Qurʾān in Egypt and Indonesia,” Archipel 62 (2001): 143–161).

Riḍā’s tone was inconsistent. With regard to the differences between the Lahore and Qadiyani branches in matters of creed (ʿaqīda) and their religious work in Europe, Riḍā argued that the Lahore movement agrees with other Muslims in general, except in specific issues related to the death of Jesus and the abrogation of certain verses of the Qurʾān. Despite their “great” sacrifices for Islam in India and Europe, Riḍā finally concluded that the Ahmadis of both
branches were followers of falsehood (bāṭil) (al-Manār 28, no. 7 (Sept. 1927), 543–550).

Nevertheless, it is strange that Riḍā utterly dismissed Kamal-ud-Din from the Ahmadiyya movement. After Khawaja Kamal-ud-Din’s death, Riḍā eulogized him for his service for Islam in Europe. A brief biography of Kamal-ud-Din was soon published in al-Manār by Khwaja Abdul Ghani, secretary of the managing committee of the Woking Muslim Mission and Literary Trust in Lahore, as a token of appreciation. Riḍā considered Kamal-ud-Din “the greatest missionary to Islam” in their age. Through his mission, he provided a great service to Islam by converting many high-class British, the most refined of them being Lord Headley. Although Kamal-ud-Din was known as a “moderate” follower of the Ahmadiyya, Riḍā was told by many friends who were familiar with his work in Europe, that his activities and writings did not actually reflect any inclinations to the Ahmadiyya convictions as such (al-Manār 33, no. 2 (April 1933), 138).”””””

Links and Related Essays
http://wiki.qern.org/mirza-ghulam-ahmad/contemporaries/mehr-ali-shah#TOC-Shams-i-Bazigha

https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1163/j.ctt1w8h1hd.7?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/?s=Hariri

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kLj63tAGOCE

https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B77FjScd2BWhRjdzSExiWWJ6ZWM/edit

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/09/18/hazrat-pir-meher-ali-shahs-fight-against-mirza-ghulam-ahmad/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/03/25/while-mga-was-beefing-with-pir-mehr-ali-shah-he-stopped-making-prayers-5-times-a-day/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/05/01/shams-ul-hidaya-by-pir-mehr-ali-shah/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/09/27/what-is-saif-e-chishtiyai-the-chishtia-sword-by-pir-mehr-ali-shah-1902/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/09/18/hazrat-pir-meher-ali-shahs-fight-against-mirza-ghulam-ahmad/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/05/01/ahmadiyya-leadership-began-twisting-the-quranic-verse-in-24-in-1915/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/02/24/mgas-failure-to-speak-at-the-aligarh-college-in-april-may-of-1889/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/01/02/mufti-muhammad-sadiq-was-a-student-of-noorudin-pre-1891/

Tags
#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiMosqueattack #AhmadiyyaPersecution #Mosqueattack #trueislam

 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rashid_Rida

  1.  Encyclopedia of Islam and the Muslim World, Thompson Gale (2004), p.597
  2. ^ Ana Belén Soage, “Rashid Rida’s Legacy”. The Muslim World 98/1 (Jan. 2008), pp. 1-23.

“The Philosophy of the Teachings of Islam”–the real story

Intro
We present an evaluation of this lecture/book.  Be advised, we only have Ahmadiyya sources on this specific topic, hence, most of this background data is dubious, however, Ahmadiyya sources do quote 5-6 British newspapers which only indicate that this event did take place and MGA’s speech was read out and applauded heavily (see Hidden Treasures).  In reality, this book was penned by MGA’s team at Qadian and delivered in a speech at Lahore by Maulvi Abdul KareemKhawaja Kamal uddin Sahib [who later left Qadiani Jama’at] brought a message to MGA that they should write something. MGA was sick as usual, he seems to have ordered his team to write something for this occasion.  Khawaja Sahib was not happy with the exposition and expressed a sense of hopelessness and felt it would be mocked and derided (See Dard pages 477-478). However, Ahmadi sources claims that their God had already informed MGA that his exposition would excel so he had some posters published about the exposition and assured Khawaja Sahib about it and asked him to put up the posters in Lahore. Khawaja Sahib had made his mind up about the exposition so he withheld putting up the posters and only did so at the very end when others insisted. He put up a few posters high up on walls the night before so that no one could see them because he thought the exposition was not worthy to be read at the convention.  The conference was eventually held on December 26, 27, 28, 1896, and it was extended to December 29.  However, when the exposition was read out at the convention, as we know, MGA’s paper won, however, the judges were overly sympathetic to ahmadiyya, in fact, the person who gave up his time so that Nooruddin could keep reading was Maulvi Mubarak Ali of Sialkot, who had many sympathies to the Ahmadiyya Movement.  The appointed time for the exposition passed but the audience remained ever eager. The time was extended, so much so that in order to accommodate the exposition the convention had to be extended by a day.  Khawaja Sahib was an educated man, he was a lawyer, and he knew that this paper was not good at all.  This story is also covered by Muhammad Ali and Mirza Basheer-ud-Din Mahmud in the era of 1915-1924, as they criticized each other extensively.

MGA writes that if someone’s wife even speaks to another man, the man should divorce her
Another gem from MGA, he claims that even if another man talks to someone’s wife, that is grounds for divorce.

Eating Pork/swine = immoral acts and leads to homosexuality
This famous Ahmadi argument was invented in this book.

It was published from London
The book was published in London as “The Teachings of Islam” in 1910″, translated by Muhammad Ali.  Muhammad Ali signs off the Preface as May 1910.  He also erroneously writes that the translation was continued in the ROR of 1903, however, it wasn’t.  The October-1902 edition of the ROR contains the final portion of the english translation.  It was first translated into english in the March 1902 edition of the English-ROR (see pages 81 to 100) and the April edition of the same year (see pages 121-140), the June edition, pages 209-237, the July edition pages, 253-265, the August edition, pages, 292-297, the October edition, pages 383-389.

In this same year, it seems to have been used at the famous conference of 1910, Mufti Sadiq and many other high ranking Ahmadi’s attended.

Links and Related Essays

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/11/25/the-philosophy-of-the-teachings-of-islam-aka-islami-usool-ki-falasifi1896-the-inside-story/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2019/02/11/why-do-ahmadis-think-that-eating-swine-causes-homosexuality/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/?s=Khwaja

http://www.reviewofreligions.org/wp-content/pdf-downloads/RR190203.pdf#page=2

http://www.reviewofreligions.org/wp-content/pdf-downloads/RR190204.pdf#page=2

http://www.reviewofreligions.org/wp-content/pdf-downloads/RR190206.pdf#page=2

http://www.reviewofreligions.org/wp-content/pdf-downloads/RR190207.pdf#page=2

http://www.reviewofreligions.org/wp-content/pdf-downloads/RR190208.pdf#page=2

http://www.reviewofreligions.org/wp-content/pdf-downloads/RR190210.pdf#page=1

http://www.aaiil.org/text/books/mga/teachingsislam/teachingsofislam1910.pdf

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/03/06/the-life-and-death-of-maulvi-abdul-karim-sialkoti/

Tags
#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiMosqueattack #AhmadiyyaPersecution #Mosqueattack #trueislam #atifmian

Who is Maulvi Sher Ali? (1875-1947)

Intro
He was born as Sher Ali, from the Ranjah
clan of (BheraSargodha District, modern day-Pakistan.  Maulvi Sher Ali was another student of Maulvi Nooruddin in Kashmir,  he became a prominent member of MGA’s team of writers/imams at Qadian.  It seems that MGA mentioned him in 1890 in his book Izala Auham (however, Maulvi Sher Ali’s own writings contradict this).  Per Ahmadiyya sources, he was born on 11-13-1875 and was thus barely 14-15 years old by 1890 (See Dard, page 550).  In fact, Maulvi Sher Ali’s uncle,  Ch. Sher Muhammad, was an Ahmadi and was on MGA’s team of writers during his 1891 debate in Delhi (see Dard page 292).  He was the son of Maulvi Nizam ud Din (this person is totally unknown in Ahmadiyya history). His mother died on 7 March 1907.  A daughter of Sher Ali, with the name Khadija Begum wrote his short biography Seerat Hadrat Maulvi Sher Ali.[2]  In the late 1920’s, early 1930’s, his daughter was married (year is unknown) to one of the sons of Noorudin.  The entire family was excommunicated in 1956 by the Khalifa.

1875–1890
His whereabouts in his era are unknown.  He may have been with Noorudin in Kashmir.  He was from the same city as Noorudin and Mufti Muhammad Sadiq, that is Bhera, Pakistan.

1890–1896
MGA mentions Maulvi Sher Ali in Izala Auham.  However, his whereabouts in this era are unknown.

1896
Maulvi Sher Ali was not listed in the first 313 companions list of 1896 (See Dard, pages 844-853).

1897
Ahmadiyya sources tell us that he did his BA in 1897.  After completing his studies (see “Seerat Hadrat Maulvi Sher Ali” by his own daughter, Khadija Begum), Sher Ali accepted MGA and signed the bait form, just a day before Lekh Ram died (See ROR of 1990, page 4).  Sher Ali was present with MGA at the case of Dr. Clark vs. MGA.  MGA seems to have given him the title of Maulvi, he didn’t have the proper education of an Imam.

1899
MGA told the world that Maulvi Sher Ali was living at Qadian and giving good service ((Advertisement 10 October 1899, Majmooa Ishtiharaat Vol.2 p.153).

1901
Without a proper education, at roughly 26 years old, MGA made him the top headmaster at the Talim ul Islam High School in Qadian.  He began writing essays in the english ROR also, he was working closely with Muhammad Ali.  He remained headmaster of the school until 1903.  He seems to have been idle for 6 years.  By 1909, he became assistant editor of the English-ROR and stepped in anytime Muhammad Ali was busy working on his full english commentary of the Quran, and the British government built the biggest building in the history of Qadian which costed 25,000 rupees, this building was so big it began to house students and etc.

1903
From 1903 to 1907, the Talim ul Islam High School was converted into a College, however, they were barely using any facility.  The University Act of 1907 totally shut down the college, it wouldn’t open again until 1948 and in Pakistan.  It was also reported that homosexuality and the plague was running rampant at this school.

May–1903, English-ROR

PDF 40/47 http://www.aaiil.org/text/articles/reviewofreligions/1903/reviewreligionsenglish190305.pdf

“””“The fact that he is known as a Prophet or Nabi refutes the idea that he was a Muhamadan Saint. No intelligent man would think that a person who was reputed as a prophet among the Muhammadans was a Muhammadan saint. Even if a Muhammadan saint worked miracles, they would take him as a Wali at best, and never a prophet. They believe that their HP is the seal of the prophets and that he is not to be followed by any other prophet…….and one who takes him as a muhammadan saint only, betrays his complete ignorance of the beliefs prevailing among the muhammadans””””

“…..we do not know of any prophet who appeared in Kashmir in the last 200 years”

1907
The Talim ul Islam High school and college are totally shut down.

May–1907–English-ROR
Maulvi Sher Ali writes an essay about the plague prophecy, he admits that even houses adjacent to MGA’s have had people die of plague, he also calls MGA as the “Messenger of the Latter Days”.

May–1908–English-ROR
Maulvi Sher Ali writes an essay series on the Mahdi and the Ahmadiyya viewpoint, this extends to several issues.  This specific essay was re-produced in the ROR of 1987.

A story from 1909
Dr Muhammad Abdullah from Qila Subasingh testifies:

“””During the time of Hadhrat Khalifatul Masih I, Hadhrat Maulwi Sher Ali Sahib(ra) worked as the editor of the Review of Religions. Once two English persons came to Qadian and passed along the northern part of Hadhrat Nawab Muhammad Ali’s residence where at that time Hadhrat Maulwi Sher Ali Sahib(ra) was feeding his water buffalo. His collar was open and he was attired in simple clothes. One of the English officersrequested Maulwi Sahib that they wanted to meet the Editor of the Review of Religions and asked where they could meet him. Maulwi Sahib volunteered to accompany them to his house and brought them to his own house and seating them in his sitting room said that he would call the Editor.

Maulwi Sahib wanted to prepare tea and get better acquainted with his visitors but they insisted that he should take them there so that they could meet him in person perhaps en route. Upon this, Hadhrat Maulwi Sher Ali Sahib said, “I am the Editor of the Review’”.

The two English officers were utterly dumbfounded and in their reflex admitted, ‘We thought that the Editor of this magazine was some Englishman.’ (Sirat Hadhrat Maulana Sher Ali Sahib(ra) pp 189-190 by Malik Nazir Ahmad Riaz, missionary).

1913
Noorudin had decided to send Maulvi Sher Ali to London to help Khwaja Kamaluddin build up the Ahmadiyya mission there, however, the new Khalifa cancelled this order as soon as he came to office (see page 6).

1914-1923
He sided with the family of MGA and remained in Qadian and thus became the sole editor of the ROR, until others came to help and eventually took over the job from him.  He helped Mirza Bashir Ahmad on collecting data for the famous Seeratul Mahdi and even told how MGA would have his arabic revelations sent to Noorudin and Ahsan Amrohi to check for errors.  In the central Organization of the Community, Maulvi Sher Ali served as director of publications (Nazir Taleef) at Qadian.[4]

1924
He accompanied Mirza Basheer-ud-Din Mahmood Ahmad, the second khalifa of the Ahmadiyyah sect on his journey to Europe in 1924, and participated in the Wembley’s Conference of Living Religions 1924.

ROR–1930
He writes an essay on the importance of fasting.

1942
His wife died on 12 July 1942 and was buried at Qadian.

1947, in Pakistan
He died in Lahore on November 13th, 1947, just a few months after he moved from Qadian and was living in temporary quarters.  He was buried in Lahore but was eventually moved to Rabwah.  His daughter got married to one of the sons of Noorudin (Abdul Mannan) and was ex-communicated 8-years after Maulvi Sher Ali’s death (1955).  He seems to have also written a translation of the Quran which seems to have been published after his death (1955 from Holland), why wasn’t this published in his lifetime, it’s unknown. In 2004, Ahmadiyya INC re-wrote this translation and re-published it in 2004, the original is thus totally missing.

ROR–1990
Maulvi Sher Ali claims that he came to Qadian in 1897, a day before Lekh Ram was murdered, thus contradicting Dard and other Ahmadiyya sources that claim that he was already in Qadian by 1889-1890.

Link and Related Essays

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maulvi_Sher_Ali?fbclid=IwAR0TQmLj2S-3Ogrc9OV4d43GENmNNZ5ubrvypCpUCb2_TzLP3uBqpYEp9sM

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/07/10/ahmadiyya-leadership-admitted-that-mga-used-lots-of-editors-and-ghost-writers/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/01/09/homosexuality-was-rampant-at-the-talim-ul-islam-high-school-in-1903-thus-it-was-shut-down/

http://aaiil.org/uk/newsletters/2010/thelightuk201006.pdf

http://www.reviewofreligions.org/wp-content/pdf-downloads/RR200211.pdf

Muslim Fasting

http://www.reviewofreligions.org/wp-content/pdf-downloads/RR190707.pdf#page=19

http://www.reviewofreligions.org/wp-content/pdf-downloads/RR199007.pdf#page=5

http://www.reviewofreligions.org/wp-content/pdf-downloads/RR198707.pdf#page=28

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/02/24/amatul-hayee-or-amtul-hai-the-daughter-of-nooruddin-and-the-wife-of-the-2nd-khalifa-mirza-basheer-uddin-mahmud-ahmad-and-her-mysterious-death/

http://www.aaiil.org/text/articles/reviewofreligions/1903/reviewreligionsenglish190305.pdf

https://www.alislam.org/v/6100.html

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/12/25/mirza-ghulam-ahmad-vs-molana-muhammad-hussain-batalvi-and-muslims-leaders-in-british-india-in-august-of-1891/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/?s=Clark

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/03/30/ahmadi-teachers-at-the-talim-ul-islam-high-school-were-corrupt-they-would-pass-mirza-basheer-uddin-mahmud-ahmad-even-when-he-failed/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2017/06/30/the-british-govt-donated-25000-rupees-for-the-talim-ul-islam-high-school-in-qadian-in-1909/

https://ahmadiyyafactcheckblog.com/2018/03/04/the-sons-of-noorudin-were-expelled-from-ahmadiyya-in-1956/

https://www.alislam.org/quran/view/?page=-8&region=E2

https://www.alislam.org/v/2161.html

Tags
#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiMosqueattack #AhmadiyyaPersecution #Mosqueattack #trueislam #atifmian

Some Additional references

  1.  In the Company of the Promised Messiah – Page 148 Ch Ali Mohammad – 1977 “Some of the pious souls that joined the Ahmadiya Movement in Islam in 1897 were : Hazrat Maulvi Sher Ali, B.A. Parentage : Hazrat Maulvi Sher Ali was born at “
  2. ^ Seerat Hadrat Maulvi Sher Ali by Khadija Begum et al
  3. ^ ‘Obituary’ in The Daily Alfazal (Rabwah) dated 14 November 1947
  4. ^ ‘Obituary’ in The Daily Alfazal (Rabwah) dated 14 November 1947
  5. ^ The Original Sources of the Qu’ran by William St. Clair Tisdall
  6. ^ Seerat Hadrat Maulvi Sher Ali by Khadija Begum et al
  7. ^ ‘Obituary’ in The Daily Alfazal (Rabwah) dated 14 November 1947

 

Pics

Up ↑