Intro
A few days ago, Qaiser Ahmed Raja released a video wherein he proved how Dr. Abdul Salam copied Sheldon Glashow‘s paper, then delivered an underwhelming speech at a symposium quoting a lecture series (of which there is no documentary evidence) to create a perception that he didn’t copy Weinberg and created a massive network of scientists who nominated him. The network is created by using the ICTP’s resources.

It is interesting that a list of Dr. Salam‘s scientific achievements is usually repeated, but almost no one discusses in detail the peer-reviewed research papers that earned him his Nobel Prize. It’s because they don’t have much to show for it except a transcribed paper and a typical speech! For the first time on Pakistani social media, we are presenting with evidence that his award was not a remarkable scientific achievement, but a mental scheme full of fraud!

In 2011, Norman Dombey wrote: Abdus Salam: “A Reappraisal. PART I. How to Win the Nobel Prize” which more or less seems to argue that Salam didn’t deserve his 1979 Nobel. Part of the argument seems to be that he stole the idea from Weinberg and didn’t even know the importance of what he had stolen, but my impression was that no one, not even Weinberg, thought very much of the unified electroweak theory at the time. A quick look at the paper in his collected papers that I take to be the 1968 one that justified the Nobel to him appears to discuss the crucial points: a gauge theory with Higgs mechanism.

_____________________________________________________________________________________________ Oral History Interviews | Sheldon Glashow | American Institute of Physics (aip.org)

Sheldon Glashow

Notice: We are in the process of migrating Oral History Interview metadata to this new version of our website.

During this migration, the following fields associated with interviews may be incomplete: InstitutionsAdditional Persons, and Subjects. Our Browse Subjects feature is also affected by this migration.

We encourage researchers to utilize the full-text search on this page to navigate our oral histories or to use our catalog to locate oral history interviews by keyword.

Please contact nbl@aip.org with any feedback.

ORAL HISTORIES
Interviewed by
David Zierler
Interview date
Location
Video conference
USAGE INFORMATION AND DISCLAIMER
Disclaimer text

This transcript may not be quoted, reproduced or redistributed in whole or in part by any means except with the written permission of the American Institute of Physics.

This transcript is based on a tape-recorded interview deposited at the Center for History of Physics of the American Institute of Physics. The AIP’s interviews have generally been transcribed from tape, edited by the interviewer for clarity, and then further edited by the interviewee. If this interview is important to you, you should consult earlier versions of the transcript or listen to the original tape. For many interviews, the AIP retains substantial files with further information about the interviewee and the interview itself. Please contact us for information about accessing these materials.

Please bear in mind that: 1) This material is a transcript of the spoken word rather than a literary product; 2) An interview must be read with the awareness that different people’s memories about an event will often differ, and that memories can change with time for many reasons including subsequent experiences, interactions with others, and one’s feelings about an event. Disclaimer: This transcript was scanned from a typescript, introducing occasional spelling errors. The original typescript is available.

PREFERRED CITATION

In footnotes or endnotes please cite AIP interviews like this:

Interview of Sheldon Glashow by David Zierler on June 3, 2020,
Niels Bohr Library & Archives, American Institute of Physics,
College Park, MD USA,
www.aip.org/history-programs/niels-bohr-library/oral-histories/47288

For multiple citations, “AIP” is the preferred abbreviation for the location.

ABSTRACT

In this interview, Sheldon Glashow, Professor of Physics Emeritus at Harvard University and Professor of Physics Emeritus at Boston University, reflects on his career and Nobel Prize winning work. He discusses his childhood friendship with Steve Weinberg and his passion for science from a young age. He reflects on his decision to attend Cornell University for undergrad and details the physics curriculum at the time. Glashow describes his time as a graduate student at Harvard University studying under Julian Schwinger. He discusses his time as a post-doc at the Institute for Theoretical Physics in Copenhagen working on the SU(2)XU(1) theory, which would later win him a Nobel prize in 1979. He speaks about working with Murray Gell-Mann while at Caltech and their collaboration on a paper together. Glashow details being hired as a full professor at Harvard University. He discusses his frequent collaboration with Alvaro De Rujula. He discusses the concept of string theory and how it has evolved over the years. He discusses the loss of the superconducting super collider and reflects on where particle and theoretical physics may be today had it been built. Lastly, Glashow reflects on his goals for “Inference: International Review of Science”, of which he is the editor-at-large.

Transcript

Zierler:

Okay. This is David Zierler, oral historian for the American Institute of Physics. It is June 3, 2020. It’s my great pleasure to be here with Professor Sheldon Glashow. Shelly, thank you so much for being with me today.

Glashow:

Great pleasure, David. Looking forward to our talk.

Zierler:

Okay. So, to start, please tell me your title and institutional affiliation.

Glashow:

I am retired, doubly so. I remain the Higgins Professor of Physics at Harvard, Emeritus. I was, until about two years ago, the Metcalf Professor of Mathematics and Sciences at Boston University. Now I am a Professor of Physics Emeritus there as well.

Zierler:

Okay. And now let’s—

Glashow:

I’m also the editor-at-large for the magazine that I mentioned to you, Inference: International Review of Science.

Zierler:

Right. Right. And what’s the publication schedule for that? Is it a quarterly?

Glashow:

It’s quarterly. The last issue came out just a few days ago.

Zierler:

Okay. Wonderful. So now, let’s take it right back to the beginning. First, tell me a little bit about your parents and their journey to New York.

Glashow:

Yes. My father came at the age of approximately fifteen to—from Babruysk, which is in today’s Belarus and he immediately went to work and went to school and within a short period—within five years he started bringing his relatives back. One of them was his cousin and he married her, Bella Glashow, and then they began to have a family. They had two boys before me, born in 1914 and 1918. And I was born in 1932.

Zierler:

What were your parents’ mother tongues? Did they speak Yiddish?

Glashow:

I didn’t meet many of my grandparents, only my grandfather who did speak English to some extent. My father had fluent English, of course, by the time I met him. And he also spoke Yiddish. At home my mother and father would occasionally speak in Yiddish when they didn’t want me to understand.

Zierler:

Uh-huh (laughter).

Glashow:

But normally, it was in English—it was mostly an English speaking—99% an English-speaking home.

Zierler:

And how did your father develop his profession as a plumber?

Glashow:

He worked as a laborer for a time. He remembered his various anti-Semitic incidents while he was a worker. And then, he switched to plumbing. And at some point around 19…in the 1920’s he got his plumbing license, and I’m not too sure of the detailed history, but he soon became the owner of a plumbing shop, which was at 1622 Amsterdam Avenue in New York. And amazingly enough, although he left the company sometime before his death in the 1960’s, it still exists. It’s called L. Glashow Plumbing. It’s in the Bronx now, not in Manhattan, and its trucks are all over the place. They are white and I have a wonderful photograph of my son next to one of them.

Zierler:

Wow.

Glashow:

He actually introduced himself to the driver, pointing out that he was the grandson of the founder of the company, and they were delighted. They invited him to come to the plumbing office in the Bronx and there he could view my father’s original license which was framed there. The company now has been in existence for practically one hundred years.

Zierler:

Oh my. That’s great (laughter).

Glashow:

Still there.

Zierler:

How did your family fare during the depression?

Glashow:

Well, I’m a little young to remember that. We did not suffer because by that time, our family was definitely upper middle class, and I don’t remember any privations at that time. The privations began after the beginning of the Second World War, when of course the whole country was subject to rationing and all sorts of constraints. But no, I didn’t suffer from the—I don’t consider myself a Depression baby.

Zierler:

And did you grow up in multiple neighborhoods or in one general place?

Glashow:

We grew up in one house—it was 65 Payson Avenue, a private house. We had a few apartments that we let out, but most of the house was ours.

Zierler:

And this is in the Bronx?

Glashow:

No, no. It’s in Manhattan.

Zierler:

Oh, it’s in Manhattan.

Glashow:

Just north of Dyckman Street.

Zierler:

Okay.

Glashow:

Which is 200th Street. And for example, I walked to local public schools. When I got to high school, I would walk to the 207th Street bus station and take the bus across the river to Fordham Avenue, or I would take the subway down to 168th Street then go back up into the Bronx. Ours was a lovely neighborhood. Ten or so private houses facing Inwood Hill Park and that was my playground, Inwood Hill Park. At that time, it was a well-kept, rather beautiful park. Still very beautiful but not at all well-kept.

Zierler:

Yeah. Now, was your family mostly secular? Were they Jewishly connected?

Glashow:

They were Jewishly connected enough to be members of the local shul and they—my parents would religiously go to temple about twice a year at the serious holidays, occasionally dragging me along. And yes, I did prepare for a bar mitzvah. It was just after the end of the war, so it was a minimal affair without much of a party or anything like that. But yes, we did the minimum, just as I and my wife have done for our children. The minimum.

Zierler:

I’m curious if your family had a sense of the horrors that were going on in Europe during World War II?

Glashow:

I don’t really think so. Most of the family he had brought back. He had five brothers, all of whom came back, and his sister and whatever surviving grandparents there were. My maternal grandmother, who lived with us, died the year that I was born, so I never met her. Both my brothers joined the Army and served in Europe. And in particular, my younger brother—who was a doctor, was the first doctor to enter into Dachau. He sent back horror pictures of what things were like. Piles of bodies and starving survivors. It was horrifying to the whole family.

Zierler:

His job was to provide—

Glashow:

Hm?

Zierler:

His job was to provide medical care to the surviving prisoners?

Glashow:

He was doing that, yes, among other things. That was among his chores.

Zierler:

Wow.

Glashow:

It was not—not easy.

Zierler:

Yeah. Well, in happier times, I’m curious about your education. Are you a product of the PS system in New York?

Glashow:

At first, I attended Mrs. Stern’s Kinder Garden, which was a few blocks away. But for first through third grades, I attended PS 52. Then we were shunted off to PS 152, which was a rather longer walk from my house. That was for fourth, fifth and sixth grades. After a truncated seventh, eighth and ninth grades was held back at Junior High School 52, which was in the same building as PS 52. Afterwards I attended the Bronx High School of Science.

Zierler:

Now, in your earlier years did you start to exhibit excellence in math and science, or would that come later?

Glashow:

No. I think I was quite—I was not a gifted mathematics student, but I was certainly ahead of my class and I was quite competent mathematically and scientifically. In reading, I was far advanced. So, I knew a great deal more science than my fellows. When I was in ROTC some years later as a physics major at Cornell, I was obliged to spend two years in Air Force ROTC—there, I was asked to give a lecture to my fellow students on how airplanes fly. In high school—well, before high school, when my brothers went off to war, I inherited, at least temporarily, a very nice telescope and my brother’s medical microscope. So, I did lots of investigations with the microscope including playing around with all kinds of paramecia and other Blepharisma and other protozoans that I could dredge out of the woods across my house.

Zierler:

Now—

Glashow:

I also had a laboratory, a chemistry laboratory in our basement.

Zierler:

Oh really?

Glashow:

Yes. I became rather an expert on selenium chemistry while I was in high school, which is not a safe thing to play with. And I was amused when—I had published a short article in a magazine published by Science Service for teenagers, called Chemistry. My article somehow it found its way into a government agency in South Dakota—where selenium is well known. It is collected by certain plants. When the cows eat those plants, which they seem to like, they get very sick. I received letter asking me if I would consider employment in South Dakota. I had to reply that I’m only a high school student.

Zierler:

(Laughter) Well, that would have been a very different life.

Glashow:

Yes, it would.

Zierler:

Now, in thinking about high school, were the options to stay on in public school or to go to one of the specialized science schools in New York—Bronx Science, Stuyvesant or Brooklyn Tech?

Glashow:

We were living throughout my childhood in Inwood in Manhattan, which is in the northern tip of Manhattan. The local high school, Washington High School, was up in The Heights, and it had a very bad reputation. Even though both my brothers had gone there, in the years since it had declined. My parents definitely didn’t want me to go there. Thus, I applied to Bronx Science. I actually missed the entrance exam because I had an attack of Appendicitis. Which my brother, then a physician, nursed me through without an operation. I took a make-up exam and was admitted to the Bronx High School of Science.

Zierler:

Did you consider Stuyvesant?

Glashow:

No. At that time, that was too far away. I guess it’s the same distance. In terms of time it would have taken the same time to get there. But it was somehow not what I nor my other classmates considered. Science was physically closer, and it was what we thought of as the science school. Stuyvesant at that time was not quite so specialized in science.

Zierler:

And I imagine Brooklyn Tech, for the same reason? It was just too far away?

Glashow:

Yes. But one of my good friends in pre high school, in junior high school, went there and thrived, becoming a well-known physicist at—Ken Lande, who is and remains a respected neutrino physicist, at the University of Pennsylvania.

Zierler:

I talked to him two weeks ago.

Glashow:

Did you really?

Zierler:

Yeah. Yeah.

Glashow:

Fantastic.

Zierler:

He’s doing great. Wonderful person (laughter).

Glashow:

(Laughter) I haven’t been in any contact with him since. But just by coincidence, today, or yesterday for some reason I thought to look up my junior high school friend who I knew had died, Fred Rein, and read his obit. When I was in junior high school, Rein was thought to be a very likely science person, but he was the best in science, and he won the science prize. And, in fact, this young fellow won a prize from the Manhattan government for an essay he wrote called “My Borough.” And it was very moving, apparently. It won the prize and he became president of the Manhattan Government for a day. He sat in a big chair and hired his mother as his personal assistant. Then, on October 9, a month into our first at Bronx Science, I was at the bus stop again, at 207th Street and Broadway, my classmates told me that he had died of polio. This wonderful, promising good friend of mine I lost during my first year at high school. I just recall that now because another of my high school friends who is a Professor of Physics at the University of Massachusetts had organized an online—70th reunion. And what he structured was that each of the graduates in the class of 1950 who cared to, should submit an essay about what they have done since. Each essay was then distributed to all other graduates of 1950. I am thinking that I should write a little note reminding them of someone that they probably don’t remember because he was only in our class for a month or so. [Indeed, I have done so.]

Zierler:

That would be a very nice tribute.

Glashow:

Yes.

Zierler:

Now, I’ve heard it said of Bronx Science that the education there was so good that when you got to college, sometimes you would be bored in those freshman and sophomore classes. Was that the case for you?

Glashow:

To some extent. It is certainly true that courses in literature, history, civics (which at the time was an important course, has gone away, unfortunately.)

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

—were very good. And mathematics was spectacularly good. Our teacher, a Hungarian, Dr. Hlaverty had leftist tendencies. Later on, he would get in trouble with McCarthy. But those courses were first rate and I remember typically getting 100% on the Regent’s Exam in geometry, among others. However, calculus was not taught in high school. I picked up a little bit of calculus from another friend of mine who was a little bit more mathematically advanced than I was while in high school. He, Daniel Greenberger, became a professor of physics at the City University of New York. The science courses were less impressive. The author of my physics textbook was written by one Charles E. Dull. A well-known textbook at the time. Excruciatingly dull it was. The physics was terrible. When I got—well, college—after Steve Weinberg [yes] and I made a little trip around to the schools to where we were accepted to Cornell, Princeton, and M.I.T.

Zierler:

Was he your classmate, Steve?

Glashow:

Steve Weinberg and Gary Feinberg were [unintelligible] classmate—not just classmates but close, intimate friends indeed. Gary attended Columbia, where he remained though out his career.

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

So was Mort Sternheim, who also became a professor of physics at the University of Massachusetts. Yeah, they were very close friends. Steve and I, driven by his father in their car, visited these three schools and both of us decided that we would, for more or less the same reasons, attended Cornell rather than Princeton or MIT.

Zierler:

Okay. Now, were you thinking already that you were going to major in physics? Was that part of the calculation?

Glashow:

Despite our failure to study calculus at Bronx Science, both Steve and I enrolled in a physics course as Cornell freshman. The course was difficult and fast moving. It was taught by a cosmic ray physicist who did not compromise. There was no calculus in the course, but nonetheless it was tough. And we did have to work with that course. I am very grateful to that teacher because we already had picked up a little calculus so we could jump into the second semester of calculus, and we both spent—I took many math courses as well as physics courses at Cornell.

Zierler:

So, Shelly, this begs the question—given that your physics education in high school was figuratively and literally dull and was not first-rate—how did you know, despite that, that it was physics that you wanted to specialize in, even as a eighteen-year-old?

Glashow:

Oh because (laughter)—the answer to that is clear. I think it began in 7th grade. I knew I wanted to do physics or at least something like physics. One of the incidents I remember most clearly was the teacher explaining to us that the earth revolves around the sun and it rotates about its axis. By the way, she was very insistent that we revolve about the sun and rotate about our axis. They cared about the words, as well as the science. But she also told us that the moon revolves the earth. But I realize that not only does it rotate about the earth, but it must revolve about its axis as well, because otherwise we would not always see the same side of the moon. And I asked her why the period of rotation and revolution of the moon were identical to each other. It seemed an outlandish coincidence. And she said, “That’s a very good question.” And I was very impressed that “B”, she didn’t know that answer, and “A”, that I had asked a very good question.

Zierler:

So, you were onto something and you knew it?

Glashow:

I was onto something back in 7th grade, yes. For sure. I was a little disappointed that Fred Rein had won the science prize and I did not. But yes. Indeed.

Zierler:

Now, why Cornell as opposed to some of the other top schools that you were considering?

Glashow:

Well, Princeton was, from our point of view, far too stuck up. The men there had to go to dinner in these robes, thus imitating Cambridge and Oxford at the time. I think there were no girls at Princeton at that time. That was enough. The wonderful thing about Cornell is we saw things we had never seen before—chickens and cows and pigs and things like that, and lots of open space. It’s not there anymore, these empty spaces.

Zierler:

Yeah, Ithaca must have felt like a small town back in those days.

Glashow:

Cornell—the city was a small town, and the city that was down in the flats and the school was on top of that mountain more or less, with deep and impressive ravines on either side. And it was mostly empty space. It was very impressive. Then we went to MIT and found it to be a sort of closed in, city school. I didn’t want that. Neither did Steve.

Zierler:

Who were some of the luminary professors at Cornell that you became close with as an undergraduate?

Glashow:

Yes. My advisor was a man named Tomboulian. He was not to my knowledge a very distinguished guy, but he was very sympathetic with my interest in taking courses that were above my—above normal expectations. So, I took a lot of graduate courses while I was there. The professors, among the impressive professors I had were several. One was Mark Kac—was a mathematician, a very famous mathematician. He assigned almost undoable problems to us, which very challenging. Lots of fun. Very rewarding. I worked on those problems with other students, which was probably not a legal thing to do, but we probably learned more by working together than by being confused by ourselves. Kac was most impressive! Then, as I mentioned, the cosmic ray guy, Kenneth Greisen—who was extraordinarily impressive for that first year of teaching. Afterward, I took courses with Hans Bethe and Philip Morrison, who later came to MIT. He was a most impressive teacher indeed. But there were other fine teachers at Cornell; Ralph Agnew taught me analysis, J. Barkey Rosser taught me mathematical logic. The mathematicians. Rosser was a professor of logic. Very impressive. It was Ralph Agnew who taught me real variables. And Edwin Salpeter taught me electricity and magnetism. Richard Feynman had been there at the same time for a bit, but I did not meet or see him.

Zierler:

Was your sense Feynman was generally inaccessible to undergraduates?

Glashow:

No. I think he was pretty accessible, but I think the overlap was only in my freshman year. He had left Cornell after I did.

Zierler:

Okay.

Glashow:

I later encountered him at Caltech when I spent a year there, and he was certainly completely open to postdocs at that time, undergraduates, graduates, everyone even people on this street. He was regarded as a really tough teacher because the Feynman lectures were essentially incomprehensible to the audience for which they were intended. It was too sophisticated. He expected too much—

Zierler:

Can you talk a little bit about the curriculum? The physics curriculum at Cornell? The kinds of courses that were emphasized? The kinds of subfields that, you know, in the hierarchy of subfields were considered most important during those years?

Glashow:

The requirements were typically a pain in the ass. I had to take an intermediate electricity and magnetism course after having taken the graduate course. Nonetheless I had to take that silly undergraduate course. The requirements were absurd. Most of the courses I took in physics were graduate courses. I took the graduate quantum mechanics and the graduate quantum field theory which were not on the curriculum for undergraduates. I got into little wars with some of the teachers at—elementary electricity and magnetism course—we were assigned a problem which was undoable. He didn’t realize that the problem was as hard as he—basically, it was a hemispherical boss on a plane with a second plane above and that’s one tough problem. He apologized, after we had spent hours figuring the solvent. The Professor, Dale Corson, later became Cornell’s President. Yeah, we had a—there was tension between we who were fairly advanced—there were a bunch of us who were fairly promising physicists there at the time, and the administration was very staid and did not encourage us. Fortunately, my advisor was totally sympathetic. I will always remember Diran Tomboulian.

Zierler:

What was your sense of the relative divide between the experimentalists and the theorists of the faculty? Were they considered sort of equally esteemed? Was there a hierarchy there?

Glashow:

I cannot answer that question because I dealt mostly with theorists in most of the things I did. The courses I took that I appreciated were all courses by theorists except for my freshman physics advisor, for which our professor was Kenneth Greisen a notable cosmic ray experimenter. I didn’t know much about whatever experimental physics might have been going on at Cornell at that time.

Zierler:

So that’s an answer in a sense that it must have been pretty divided for you to, you know, to have that perspective.

Glashow:

Yeah, but I think that was true at Harvard too when I went as a graduate student. I was not much involved with the experimenters there as well.

Zierler:

So, this already tells me that your—your self-definition as a physicist was pretty well cemented as a theorist even during your undergraduate years.

Glashow:

Oh, yes. That cement was put in place in high school among the three of us, Steve Weinberg and Gary Feinberg and I. We all knew we wanted to be theoretical physicists. We hung out from time to time on Fourth Avenue where all the used book shops were and plucked out some interesting old books on quantum mechanics and other such things. We were definitely into theoretical physics.

Zierler:

Right. Were there summer internships that you had as an undergraduate that were relevant to physics?

Glashow:

There was nothing available—I mean, when, in high school?

Zierler:

As an undergraduate at Cornell.

Glashow:

As an undergraduate at Cornell, the only things I did were in one summer I stayed home—that is at home in Manhattan—and I went to school at Columbia, summer school, took two courses, one in probability and one in ring theory: Both mathematics courses. That was one summer. Another summer I went to what was called the Research Institute for Advanced Science which was created by Martin Marietta in Baltimore. And it existed for just a couple of years or so. It was created by the father of Edward Witten and tried to be an industrial counterpart to the Institute for Advanced Study. We were on our own to do whatever research we wanted to do. Actually, I did that while I was in graduate school.

Something else that happened in graduate school: I went to a summer encounter with JASON. I needed very high clearance and it sort of embarrassed me that on the table open for us to read at that time in Washington was the Air Defense Plan for the United States. I could read if I wanted to. Anyway, the first thing that happened there was that we were asked to decide whether we wanted to work for war or for peace. Not in those words, but substantively. Just three of us chose peace; Arthur Keruan from M.I.T., Charles Schwartz from Berkeley, and me. The three of us voted for peace. I don’t clearly remember if this was a joint project or just my project. I think it was joint. We were to look at all of the classified and unclassified literature on aerial surveillance and we were asked to create an unclassified document based on these classified documents, a document explaining what the capabilities were of such aerial surveillance. Could they do what they were supposed to do? We had access to all available data, whether classified or not. We completed our document, submitted it to JASON, and it was immediately classified.

Zierler:

Yeah. Right. Never to be seen again.

Glashow:

The JASON encounter was their attempt to recruit other scientist, like Steve Weinberg, who would join JASON. I wanted nothing to do with it.

Zierler:

Right. Now given your interests and talents in theory and the fact that you were already taking graduate courses, going straight onto graduate school was virtually preordained, I assume?

Glashow:

Oh yes. It was preordained, except that I had managed to fail a solid-state course because I had an utterly horrible teacher. His name was Sack and I despised him, and I despised his—not the subject but his means of teaching the subject. So, I failed the course, and that I guess prejudiced some schools. Although as an undergraduate, I had been accepted by Princeton and rejected by Harvard, when I applied to graduate school I was accepted by Harvard and rejected by Princeton.

Zierler:

(Laughter) That’s great. So, Harvard, that was the clear winner for you in terms of where you wanted to go.

Glashow:

It was the clear winner for me. Steve went to Princeton.

Zierler:

Yeah. Yeah. Did you keep in touch with Steve during your graduate years?

Glashow:

Oh yeah. The graduate years, no, not very much, but we came together again some years later at Berkeley. We both taught at Berkeley at the same time for a few years in the 60’s.

Zierler:

Right. Right. Now, when you went to Harvard, were you thinking there was a particular professor that you wanted to work with?

Glashow:

Absolutely. There was only one professor who was doing particle physics, particle theory and that was Julian Schwinger.

Zierler:

Right.

Glashow:

So, then we had—fortunately, would be willing to accept up to a dozen or so students at the same time, giving them not that much help but lots of inspiration. I wanted to be his student.

Zierler:

Did you know that Schwinger’s group was that large going in?

Glashow:

Nope. No, I was quite naïve about such matters. I came there wanting to do particle physics and there was this guy called Schwinger that I had never heard of, and I knew that I wanted to work with him.

Zierler:

How long had Schwinger been on the faculty by the time you got there?

Glashow:

Some years. He had quite a reputation. And when I was a graduate student, I met more advanced graduate students. In fact, one of them became a close friend, Chuck Zemach. He was finishing up as a student of Schwinger. Having had a long and successful career at Los Alamos, he is now retired—one remarkable feature of Chuck Zemach is that he has rafted down the Grand Canyon at least a dozen times.

Zierler:

Oh wow (laughter).

Glashow:

With and without his old father and his wife’s friends—he’s an expert at that particularly difficult adventure.

Zierler:

Do you remember your first encounter with Schwinger?

Glashow:

My first encounters were impersonal because even in my first year there, I took a course with him. And I took a course with him and looked forward to such a thing each year, I was at Harvard. My original impression of him was only as a teacher. And as a teacher he was quite impressive. He had a radio announcer’s voice, very clear and precise. He had extremely good handwriting and he would use the whole blackboard, four blackboards, or maybe more than once in his very small handwriting. We would try to copy down everything he would write but it was very dense and very complicated. He would always organize things to complete his lecture at the very last blackboard so that he could immediately run out the door and disappear, trying to avoid the dozen graduate students who would try to find him and get some advice. However, once I became one of his many students, I was able to have lunch with him and get advice from once or twice each semester.

Zierler:

Was he approachable as a person? Could you talk with him?

Glashow:

Yes. If you could catch him. Once or twice, his charming wife Clarice, would insist that he invite us to dinner at their home. And we enjoyed a couple of pleasant occasions like that. He eventually became a friend that I could indeed talk to. Usually about physics, not so much about life and never politics.

Zierler:

Yeah. Yeah. How did you go about developing your dissertation topic? Was it connected with Schwinger’s own research?

Glashow:

Yes. Schwinger’s research was wide ranging on particle physics and in particular, on his formulation of quantum field theory which was different from anyone else’s. I took his courses in quantum field theory. I can’t say that I became an expert on quantum field theory from those courses because his language was so different from what was used outside of Harvard. But in any case, early in my second year I showed up in his office as one of many students who wanted to work with him. We were about a dozen. I can list a half a dozen of them right now. Marshall Baker very soon after graduating got a job at University of Washington where he remained. Charlie Sommerfield, soon after his thesis, unsolicant got assistant professorship then a professorship at Yale. Danny Kleitman was a student of both Schwinger and Roy Glauber. Years later he switched to mathematics and became my brother-in-law as I married his wife’s sister.

Ray Sawyer, became a professor at University of California, Santa Barbara. Lots of people were there, a dozen, approximately. Charlie Warner, Bob Warnock, Harold Weitzner and more. Schwinger accepted everyone and eventually after sending us away to solve a problem which we solved collectively and came back as an ensemble of twelve people again, there we were—we had passed the test. So, he had to give us all problems. I was last on the list. So, Charlie was given the challenge to calculate the fourth order magnetic moment of the electron with a muon. It had been done already, but Schwinger suspected (correctly) that the guy who did it made an error. So, Charlie did it and this was before computers, so we had had to sum up 100 diagrams or so. It was quite a challenge. With a Marchant. A Marchant is not a person from Mars, but it’s an electromechanic calculating machine that can take square roots. That’s about the limit of its ability.

Zierler:

What does the Marchant look like?

Glashow:

Looks like a typewriter. It was produced by Smith-Corona and marketed in the 1920’s. Only the best for Harvard in the 1950’s.

Zierler:

Okay.

Glashow:

Except it didn’t print anything. That kind of thing. It was a mechanical, sophisticated electromechanical device. There were two kinds of calculators, Marchant, and a superior device called Friden: another typewriter manufacturer. It was a time, a good decade before there would be handheld things or anything in the way of computers. So yeah, no significant computer assistance whatever. Anyway, he did fine. He got the right answer first, a world first, and got his job at Yale. Marshall Baker wrote a thesis on the N over D method, which was some cockamamy thing that Schwinger had devised doing calculations, and he did well and went to Washington and stayed at Washington. By the way, my friend Gary, from high school, had gone to Columbia, where he stayed for the rest of his life. And so, it went.

By the time Schwinger got to me, he had more or less rid himself of all of the obvious problems that he had in mind. So, he came back to a fascination of his that he had published before; the possibility that there could be a unified theory of weak and electromagnetic interactions. And he gave me some reasons to believe that there might be such a theory and told me to find it. Which was kind of a big deal. I mean, I didn’t know how to do that. In fact, I failed. I managed to find some further evidence that there should be such a theory, and that if there were an intermediate boson, it had to be a vector boson. He knew that, as well. But it had to be a charged vector boson and there was several indications, one coming from the work of Gary Feinberg, that the most promising theory of that kind would be a gauge theory in the sense that was introduced in particle physics by Yang and Mills. Schwinger didn’t mention the Yang and Mills or gauge theories. I had to figure that out on my own. And I became convinced that it had to be a gauge theory and I had some good reasons for that. But that’s all I could do. I couldn’t make it work. Not then. Not at Harvard.

Zierler:

I’m curious looking back, to what extent would this research be relevant to the later search for a grand unified theory?

Glashow:

Oh, it’s the same thing, so to speak. I mean—

Zierler:

But this, of course, is before string theory.

Glashow:

Of course, it was before string theory. No, what Yang and Mills had done was to base the—is to create a gauge theory based on Heisenberg’s isotopic spin group. And what I finally realized—and I didn’t realize that until I went off as a postdoc to Copenhagen—is that the problem was that the underlying gauge group had to be something more elaborate. And in particular it had to be the simplest elaboration. SU(2)XU(1) Once physicist began thinking about symmetry groups larger than SU(2), symmetries that could describe strange particles as well, many suggestions were made, using groups with names such as G2, SO(7) or SU(2)XSU(2). The correct choice, SU(3), was found by Yuval Ne’eman in Israel and Murray Gell-Mann at Cal-Tech— while I was a post doctoral fellow in 1961. But these were approximate global symmetries, not gauge symmetries.

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

The problem was to find a theory to resolve both the strong interactions and the weak interactions. And the trouble there, which Gell-Mann and I noted in 1961, was that it appeared that any attempt to make a theory of strong interactions would get in the way of a theory of weak interactions, and conversely. It was impossible to reconcile the symmetry properties of the strong interactions with those with the weak interactions. The solution had to await the inventions of quarks and of quark color later in the 1960’s.

Zierler:

Who was on your dissertation committee?

Glashow:

(Laughter) You ask my favorite question, because I remember that all too well. Schwinger had by the summer of ‘58, when I had completed my thesis, had lost interest in pursuing particle physics or formal quants field theory. Instead, he and Paul Martin were among the first to apply quantum field theory to statistical physics. With that interest, they went off to Madison, Wisconsin, to work on such matters. Thus, I had to schedule my oral exam in Wisconsin. I had to go out to Wisconsin. I didn’t mind doing that because I was very good friends with Paul Martin, who had also ran-off to Madison for the summer.

Zierler:

What was the draw to Madison for them?

Glashow:

I don’t know. I have no idea why they went to Madison, Wisconsin. But to Madison I went. I stayed at Chez Paul Martin. Paul and his wife Ann were very good friends. So, I stayed with them happily and had an enjoyable time while I was there. Had my thesis exam, and then after the exam, we had a party, a very boisterous party. It had consequences in the neighborhood. But let’s go back to the exam. Before we could have a party, I had to have my exam. But there were indications that things were going to be weird, because before the exam I remember being in Schwinger’s baby blue Cadillac. He had not yet progressed to Italian sports cars. He was still into Cadillacs. We were sitting in his Cadillac late at night—it must have been after midnight—talking physics. Parked someplace where nobody else was parked, and then we got water bombed, because the neighbors didn’t like to see suspicious people sitting in a fancy Cadillac.

Zierler:

Talking physics no less (laughter).

Glashow:

Well, we began to realize that the neighborhood was not what we were used to. It wasn’t Cambridge. When Schwinger’s wife wanted to cook a fancy dinner she wanted, she desperately needed the Indian condiment, Chutney.

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

Which is universally available in the civilized world, but Madison was not yet part of the civilized world. We had to go all over the place looking for Chutney. We couldn’t find it anywhere. Anyway, coming back to my exam. The committee consisted of Julian Schwinger, Paul Martin from Harvard. And me. Well, I was not on the committee. Then there was the chairman—the then-chairman of the Physics Department who was a nuclear physicist, whose name slips my mind. And filling out the complement of four investigators, was Frank Chen-Ning Yang, who was also among the fancy visitors to Madison.

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

The exam began. I started describing what I had done. And at some early point in the presentation, I mentioned that I would, of course, assume that electron neutrinos and muon neutrinos are distinct, because I had been taught that by Schwinger. Included within his approach to physics was the requirement, based on aesthetic principles, that the electron neutrino and muon neutrino had to be different. As soon as I mentioned the possibility that electron neutrino and muon neutrino could in fact be different particles, Yang interrupted me—saying, “Shelly,” or “Mr. Glashow”—I forgot how he addressed me. He said, “that makes no sense at all. There is no experimental way at all to distinguish the two neutrinos from one another…” He went on like this. I didn’t know how to respond to this objection. Schwinger interrupted, “Shelly, I’ll take care of this.” And he very patiently explained to Yang, that there’s a straightforward experiment that could be done—It hadn’t yet been done; it would be done in 1963, but this was 1958—to demonstrate whether the neutrinos are the same or not. It is a meaningful question and a central one. I was told to continue. Everything went fine and I passed the exam.

Zierler:

Now, Shelly, were you—did you feel that you could have answered that question yourself, had Julian not stepped in for you?

Glashow:

I don’t think I could have. I was probably too nervous to have thought of the experiment that would be done by Schwartz, Lederman and Steinberger just a few years later.

Zierler:

But what was Julian getting at? Was he aware that this experiment was in the pipe or it was just his genius?

Glashow:

He was aware that such an experiment could be done.

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

Schwinger was not about to propose such an experiment. He would never so such a thing; he was never close to experimenters in that sense. But he was close enough to realize that it was technically possible to do it.

Zierler:

Is that a unique way of thinking? Just to step back for a little bit. A theorist to be certain that there is some future experiment to validate the theory, right? Isn’t the thought process a little more, I don’t know what the right word is, ambivalent or unsure about that? Don’t you just sort of propose a possibility and then you wait for the experiment to confirm it? It sounds like, Julian, at least in this case, he was quite certain that it was only a matter of time before what you had been postulating would be proved correct?

Glashow:

It wasn’t a question of being certain. The question was an in principle question of whether it could be determined that the electron neutrino were different from the muon neutrino, or not.

Zierler:

So, what exactly was Yang asking?

Glashow:

Hmm?

Zierler:

What exactly was Yang asking?

Glashow:

He was saying that there was no way of possibly distinguishing the electron neutrinos from muon neutrinos which was flatly wrong. But listen to the conclusion. So, I passed my exam, okay? Six months later or it might have been a year, Lee and Yang publish a paper explaining how it could be that electron neutrinos and muon neutrinos are different from one another and how one could demonstrate that fact. And in response to that paper, my friends Lederman, Schwartz, and Steinberger, set out to do the experiment to show that they are different. So, Yang had flatly stolen the idea. And ten years ago, or so, when I was in China, I encountered Yang and told him this story. I asked him if he would agree with what I said because what I said was rather damning. And he said, “Shelly, I agree completely with what you said.”

Zierler:

Uh-huh. Wow. It’s rare to hear that at a graduate dissertation defense, such fundamental discoveries come as a result. So that’s pretty amazing.

Glashow:

I don’t know if they came as a result. I suspect that Lederman and company would have done the experiment in any case. Because it was an idea that had been bandied about by others at that time including Murray Gell-Mann, who I had not yet encountered. He had talked about that possibility in 1959 but did not cite Schwinger’s earlier hypothesis.

Zierler:

Now, when you were thinking post-dissertation, was Europe definitely your target? Did you want to go to—?

Glashow:

My target was to spend a year or possibly more in the Soviet Union. And I had exchanged mail about such a visit with Igor Tamm, a Russian theorist, who won the 1958 Nobel Prize in Physics. He invited me to come to the Lebedev Institute in Moscow for a year. I decided I would do just that. I had won, by this time, a National Science Foundation post-doctoral fellowship so I was—actually, that complicated matters because the Russians wanted to pay me directly in rubles and wanted to have—my equivalent, who was a Russian named Sergei, who had the same initials as I did, SG. He would, of course, go to Harvard. And of course, Harvard was not too happy about this. But I think they agreed in the end and everyone agreed, and our State Department said, “Agreed, yes, okay we can arrange to defer if necessary—the fellowship.”

So, everything was fine except, I didn’t have a visa. I was told it would take a long time. So, I wrote to Niels Bohr in Copenhagen. I said, “Can I come to Copenhagen until I get my Russian visa?” He said, “Sure. By all means, come.” I went to the Institute for Theoretical Physics in Copenhagen, where there were some Russians that I befriended, Soviets, one of whom because a very good friend of mine. And in fact, he was present when I first met my wife to be, but that’s another story that took place years later. Anyway, this fellow, Venyamin Sideron and I, struck up a friendship. We were living in the same off-campus house. It was a rooming house that had about six renter bedrooms in Fredriksberg, near Copenhagen. He knew the Russian consul. So, we invited the Russian consul to our party. In fact, to several parties. He would always bring vodka, a very nice gesture. I would often—every time I would see him which was three or four times—I would say, “Is my visa coming?” He said, “Yes, yes. Visa coming.” But the visa didn’t come. So, after some weeks, in November—I went to CERN. And by that time, I had acquired a car. So, I drove down to Geneva in my new red triumph, and on the way I stopped in Bern at the Russian embassy. I asked them when my visa is coming. This was just after Gary Powers had been shot down, okay?

Zierler:

Oh yeah. Right. Right.

Glashow:

And this man said, “Visa not coming.” That put an end to my thoughts of going to the Soviet Union. I went back to Copenhagen, and it was in Copenhagen that I—in the late spring of 196—that I found the missing ingredient to unified theory of weakened electromagnetic interactions. It was the choice of the gauge group, and I focused on SU(2)XU(1) and published the paper that would earn my share of the Nobel Prize in 1979— almost two decades later.

Zierler:

Right. Now you were at CERN during this time as well?

Glashow:

Back and forth, yes. I would commute between Geneva and Copenhagen, often giving talks in Germany in route.

Zierler:

What were some of the big projects that were going on at CERN at the time?

Glashow:

I was still not much into the latest experimental data. So, when I went to CERN, yes, their proton synchrotron began running late in 1959. The antiproton had already been discovered at Berkeley in 1953, I think something like that. So that machine was operative at high energy, and the Europeans would have a similar machine, the PS or proton synchrotron. I was not so much into the details of what was going on because nothing seemed to be very exciting as yet. The age of the population explosion elementary particles beyond the strange particles had not yet begun. It was only in 1954 that the first pion nucleon resonance was discovered. Later on, many more resonances were found, and it wasn’t until 1961 also until the population explosion with particles really began mostly at Berkeley, Bevatron, and the CERN PS.

So, things were not yet exciting. Well, one thing at the time. At CERN, he and André Petermann told me that he had calculated the 2nd order correction to the muon magnetic moment prior to the work of my friend Charles Sommerfeld. In fact, he had made an estimation of it even before Charlie had done the exact calculation. Also, first met Jeffrey Goldstone at CERN— Goldstone of the “Goldstone meson”. He had just discovered how spontaneous symmetry breaking could lead to the appearance of massless “Goldstone bosons”—a concept that would prove to be very important. During my 2-years broad, I was working on my own stuff, but not talking with a experimenter, I was learning to ski and dating lovely ladies in Copenhagen and Geneva.

Zierler:

(Laughter) Now were you aware of Gell-Mann’s work before you got to Caltech? His most recent work?

Glashow:

Well, yes. While in ‘59, while he was spending the year in Paris, he invited me to Paris and asked for me to give a talk, and I gave a talk—which he appreciated—as I’ll explain in a moment. But he also took me to a three star—I had been to three-star restaurants before, but he took me to one and insisted that I eat the fish dish. And I told him, “I hate fish.” He said, “No. Eat this fish dish!” I realized the mistake that I had been making all these years, when I discovered what could be done with fish. And he appreciated what I had done. And that summer, the summer of 1960, I think it was, he introduced my work at the so-called Rochester meeting. Which was not in Rochester, but in some place in the Soviet Union that year. He presented my work, giving me due credit, He obviously appreciated what I had been doing, and soon afterward, when I getting to the end of my two-year post-doctoral fellowship in Copenhagen. In those days, for whatever reason, I was not worried about where I—what would happen to me next. I had enough self-confidence at that time. Not so much about the paper I wrote that would win the Nobel Prize. I was not convinced that that work was useful. But I had been doing some things, and I thought I was a pretty decent physicist. I was not worried about a job, so I made no attempt to solicit a position, which is incredible from today’s point of view.

Zierler:

Right.

Glashow:

But I received two unsolicited offers. One was from David Finkelstein at Yeshiva University. And those were the days that Yeshiva University had a first-rate group of theoretical physicists, which has since been destroyed because the university canceled it.

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

But in those days, it was fantastic. I considered that offer seriously, but I also had an invitation to be a postdoc at Caltech.

Zierler:

Right.

Glashow:

With Murray. And it was hard to resist that. I had never been to California except briefly. Oh, I forgot—one of the summers in graduate school—you asked me about summers in graduate school. One of last summers, Charlie Sommerfield and I drove off to an around-the-country tour, where we—oh no, this was another trip. Later on, Charlie Sommerfield and I wrote to Boeing for the possibility of a summer job at Boeing, or possibly a long-term job, I forget which. So, we went to Boeing and we were interviewed. We had first-class tickets so we could stop and visit all of our friends in Chicago and in Denver and in other places.

Finally, got to Seattle and were interviewed. The interviewer was very straightforward with us. He said, “I have several possible things that you can work on.” He asked whether we could work a flush mounted radar antennas?” We rational, and he said, “What about the design of missile entry cones?” And we indicated very little competence in such possibilities. And there was a third possibility was, which was equally impossible. So, he said, “I hope you guys have a nice time flying home. Very useful talking to you, but I don’t think that we have a possibility for you. Thank you very much.” We shook hands and we then stopped in five more cities on our way home, just seeing the country and enjoying ourselves. That was our one and only attempt to get a real industrial job. We were both at the RIAS, at the Research Institute at another time, a short lived “Research Institute for Advanced Science,” in Baltimore.

Zierler:

Now, did Gell-Mann reach out to you or how was that connection made to get you to Caltech?

Glashow:

Oh, he spontaneously wrote to me and said, “I did not solicit the job offer any more than I did the job offer from Yeshiva. They just came in the mail.” So, I accepted Murray and sent my regrets to Yeshiva.

Zierler:

And he was aware of what you were doing in Copenhagen? Was that mostly what was attractive to him do you think?

Glashow:

I told him what I—I didn’t tell him about the SU(2)XU(1) work because I hadn’t done it yet, as I remember. That would be in my last spring in Copenhagen. It was the work that I had been doing on the nature of universality it had to do with the universality of weak interactions, as exemplified by the so called “puppi triangle”, and also it had to do in part with what became known as current algebra. All these ideas—that Schwinger taught me although current algebra—is now said to have been invented by Gell-Mann. It is a long and complicated, intricate story. Lots of developments in theorical physics were done first by Schwinger, but are credited to others.

Zierler:

Yeah, so it sounds like Gell-Mann clearly was looking at you as a very productive potential collaborator.

Glashow:

That’s right. Indeed. And we did collaborate. We wrote a very fine paper together in 1961, in the year that I was there, but it is also the year in which he revolutionized my thinking, because he introduced the SU(3) theory of the eightfold way, which was also independently—and at the same time T34—Yuval Neeman in Israeli.

Zierler:

Right. Right. But you were only in Caltech for one year?

Glashow:

I was only there for one year, 1960-1961. He explained that I could stay on indefinitely as a research fellow or a research assistant professor, but that there was no faculty line position, no tenure track position available at the time, and he was very regretful about that. I applied elsewhere, and in particular to Stanford. I spent my second year in California at Stanford as an assistant professor.

Zierler:

Now, before we get to that, you said you did have interaction with Feynman at Caltech?

Glashow:

Mostly parties.

Zierler:

Okay (laughter).

Glashow:

Mostly parties. But one interesting facet that nobody knows—and I hope I didn’t invent it, but I think it’s true. When Gell-Mann first got interested in creating a higher symmetry group, or elementary particle, he was working together with Feynman. They were studying group theory with a Caltech mathematician whose name I have forgotten. And the original version of the paper which was—ultimately it became Caltech Synchrotron Lab Report Number 20, was co-authored by Feynman and Gell-Mann. At some point, when the work was only a typed manuscript, Feynman insisted that it was too crazy. He didn’t want to be affiliated with such speculative ideas and insisted his name be removed. And so, it became Gell-Mann’s paper.

Zierler:

Uh-huh.

Glashow:

I was a surprised.

Zierler:

I wonder if Feynman would come to regret that.

Glashow:

Well, Feynman was a stubborn bastard. He didn’t believe in quarks for many years. He introduced the notion of partons, and it wasn’t for many years until it was demonstrated by experiment that he read that his parton was a quark. It was a strange time. Perhaps Feynman’s refusal was a precursor to personal dispute that developed between Feynman and Gell-Mann.

Zierler:

Oh, but it was personal. It wasn’t a professional dispute?

Glashow:

No. I don’t think it was ever professional. But it became he had—Feynman had a different point of view than Murray. He couldn’t go along with this notion of a fractionally charged quark. But quarks, incidentally, were invented by several people at the same time. The first of them being André Petermann at CERN. He had the idea of fractionally charged particles which was published in French, in 1963, but wasn’t well recognized. In addition, George Zweig introduced an equivalant concept at CERN. His work was never published as anything more than a CERN internal report. I spent the year 1961-1962 as an assistant professor at Stanford University.

Zierler:

Right. And this is a pretty exciting time because SLAC as a concept is being dreamed up by Panofsky?

Glashow:

Right. And yes, indeed. I was not part of that dream. That was accelerator physics and certainly not something that I would be terribly informed about. But I did some interesting work with Marshall Baker and had fun teaching. This was my first time as a professor. So, I was entirely occupied with teaching a course on electricity and magnetism and enjoying meeting my fellow postdocs and fellow—and the students. It was terribly exciting from that point of view.

Zierler:

Did somebody recruit you to Stanford?

Glashow:

No, I just wrote to them and asked for a job.

Zierler:

Were you aware of this idea that assistant professors at Stanford do not get tenure?

Glashow:

Not when I first arrived at Stanford. Afterward, however, they fired—or they told people they would not be renewed—Marshall Baker and several other junior facility. Marshall left Stanford and went to University of Washington and has had a very good career there. Several people were fired at the same time, and it became evident to me that there was such a policy. So I went to Chairman Schiff sometime in the middle of the year, perhaps after the first semester, and asked him if there were any chance at all that this would be a tenure track position, that I would have any chance to have tenure. And he said, “Quite honestly, no.” That you would not. That’s not how things went at Stanford.

Zierler:

That’s not a statement about you. That’s just a statement about the system.

Glashow:

That’s right. And so, I said I—you know, “I quit as of end of the year.”

Zierler:

You were thinking, “I’m not even going to wait until the fourth or fifth year”?

Glashow:

Not even the second year! So, I wrote to my friend Chuck Zemach, who had been my roommate for a year at Harvard, and he advised me that Berkeley was like the civil service. You’ll come as an assistant professor and you will soon be promoted.” So, I went to Berkeley and was soon offered tenure.

Zierler:

You know, it’s interesting; I talked with Cliff Will yesterday about the tenure system at Stanford, and it seems like what an incredibly destructive way to treat up-and-coming assistant professors. I’m curious what is to be accomplished by sticking to this process and policy so staunchly. Do you have any ideas about that?

Glashow:

I think it was a crazy policy. I remember at one time—I don’t think I can reproduce the people. There were a half a dozen people who were junior faculty members at the Stanford Physics Dept. who were not promoted but who later won Nobel Prizes.

Zierler:

Yeah, right. So, Shelly, you’re so well positioned in terms of your time at Caltech and then at Stanford and then at Berkeley. I wonder if you could reflect a little broadly about how physics was the same and how physics was different—theoretical physics—at each of these three major institutions?

Glashow:

My oldest collaborator at Caltech was Sidney Coleman. Technically, he was Murray’s graduate student, but he soon became my close friend and my de facto graduate student. His thesis was—based in large part—on work we had done together. He and I became disciples of Murray’s eight-fold way, and we spread the word throughout the physics world. In passant, we discarded our first and only eponymous result: the Coleman-Glashaw Electromagnetic Mass Formula. I also wrote one paper with Murray: it was extremely prescient, but largely ignored. It described what would later become known as Cabibbo Universality and Grand Unification. It was written just a bit too soon. Fred Zachariasen—a well known Caltech theorist—was also among my basic friends at Caltech.

I regret that I remained at Caltech for just one year. When I went to Stanford, I was largely by myself except for Marshall Baker as a collaborator. It was just one-year and I was not collaborating with other people, and I really don’t recall many external collaborations at that time. Things changed radically during the three and a half years I spent at Berkeley. I became very close with the experimental group, led by Luis Alvarez, often attending its weekly group meetings as…an unofficial member of the collaboration. They were discovering new particles almost every week and I was kept busy arranging then into multiplets of Murray’s eight-fold way. Our weekly meetings were both social and scientific. Alvarez once taught me how to entangle a bottle of liqueur with a man’s jacket in such a fashion that almost nobody could safely extract the bottle from the jacket. It’s a cute trick.

Another of Alvarez’s tricks, which I cannot reproduce in detail involves tying up a telephone cord with a scissors in a certain way. These were mire topological tricks. But more more important were the experimental indications of new particles, and I remember writing a—one of the only papers I wrote with an experimental collaborator, with Art Rosenfeld, now deceased, who became very important in arms control and negotiations. Art and I wrote a paper on the classification of newly discovered particles and I also wrote collaborative papers in those days with my old friends from Harvard, John Sakurai and Rob Socolow.

Zierler:

Shelly, just listening to you, it sounds like the distinctions that you emphasize between the theoretical and experimental physicists at both Cornell and Harvard, these lines were much less blurred at Berkeley, it sounds like.

Glashow:

Yes. It was at Berkeley that I learned the value of speaking with my experimental colleagues.

Zierler:

Both socially and substantively, it sounds like.

Glashow:

This is true. There were many more experimenters there. At Harvard—the Cambridge Electron Accelerator was conceived—but that had not been developed until the sixties.

Zierler:

Right.

Glashow:

So, I was not much aware of that while I was there. But they were talking about the electron accelerator that they would build. And that was very exciting. But that was one contact with experiment I did have. I remember sometimes Gill going to talks at the Cyclotron Laboratory and hearing the latest plans about the electron accelerator. But I was not deeply involved. You’re reminding me of things that I had long forgotten.

Zierler:

Now, you were happy at Berkeley. That was a very productive time in your career.

Glashow:

I was happy at Berkeley. It was scientifically a good time. Actually, I don’t know if I wrote anything really very exciting at that time. Along with Sidney Coleman, we were propagandizing the successes of the eightfold way that Gell-Mann had introduced. And that climaxed in 1964 while I was at Berkeley with the discovery of the omega-minus particle.

Zierler:

I’m curious—

Glashow:

That was Brookhaven. Oh, for years I had been interested—that reminds me of something from earlier, from my college times—my friendship with Gary Feinberg persisted during the college and graduate school years, and we would frequently find ourselves at Brookhaven Labs. I think I spent some summers there, a couple of them, but I also had visited as a speaker or as a collaborator. So, I had contact with Brookhaven experimenters while I was a graduate student. Not so much with experimenters at Harvard, but at Brookhaven, and in particular with Nick Samios and his bubble chamber group.

Zierler:

Yes. Right. Now, I’m curious on the social side—you left Berkeley in 1966. Were antiwar protests starting up in Berkeley at that time, do you recall?

Glashow:

Oh yes. I think they had started up—what were Johnson’s years as president?

Zierler:

‘63 to ‘68.

Glashow:

‘63 to ‘64, I was marching for peace in—I’m not sure whether it was New York or San Francisco, but it was written up in the Times as a—as riot rather than a peaceful demonstration and I and my colleagues published a letter in the New York Times [I can’t find the date the letter was published.]

Zierler:

In 1966, Berkeley was much ahead of the curve, relative to most places in terms of campus protests, so that must have been a large part of your experience during your latter years there.

Glashow:

I remember when Mario Savio, who had been a physics major, was the one who got on top of the cop car and organized the demonstrations. And I knew him quite well, but he didn’t do well in the end. He got his degree, became a University lecturer, but died young of heart disease. Yeah, the so called “free-speech” movement was disturbing but it was by no means the reason I left. The reason I left was related to my father’s death in ‘61. My mother was living alone in New York. I wanted to be closer to her. She would come and visit me from time to time in California, but that was difficult for her. So, I wanted to be nearer to my mother and to Schwinger’s very attractive secretary.

Zierler:

So, Harvard—Harvard beckoned.

Glashow:

I couldn’t resist the Harvard offer. As soon as I got it, I said yes. I didn’t negotiate at all, to my later regret.

Zierler:

Who was the lead in recruiting you to Harvard?

Glashow:

I don’t remember, oddly enough. I think it was somebody not memorable, some factotum in the department who sent me the letter. But I was very well received when I came. I had no complaint about that. When I came, I immediately became friendly with people like Wendell Furry who was there, who had experienced some trouble during the McCarthy era.

Zierler:

Right. You came on as a full professor.

Glashow:

Oh, I came on as full professor, or almost so. Soon afterward I became the Mellon Professor of the Sciences for a few years and there after the Higgins Professor of physics. They took good care of me. They tried to take good care of me, except that our salaries were not up to what we deserved.

Zierler:

Yeah. Shelly, what were some of your most significant research endeavors while you were at Harvard during your first decade or so? Like 1966 to 1976?

Glashow:

Yes. Those were very exciting times. Not 1966 and not 1967; they were fairly quiet. But there were a number of postdocs that played important roles in my life. Some of them were post docs are Arthur Jaffe doing formal quantum field theory, but they became social friends of mine. But also—very soon I attracted to Harvard—John Iliopoulos became and remain very close friends. We did our work in 1969 with Luciano Maiani, who was another postdoc in 1969 on what’s called the GIM mechanism—Glashow-Iliopoulos-Maiani. That was a tremendous experience. John spent some years, four years or so, as a postdoc at Harvard, because it was very fruitful for him and eventually, he would get the job of his dreams in Paris. But before that, he was very happy to be at Harvard. The GIM mechanism attracted a great deal of attention. Its fifteenth anniversary was celebrated by a conference in Shanghai in 2019. A second such celebration in Rome was cancelled because of Covid-19. So, John had a wonderful experience with me. Afterwards, I was able to find Alvaro De Rujula to come to Harvard. We wrote papers together—31 all told. And we—also as a third choice for a junior faculty position— we hired Howard Georgi who accepted, and he became of course became an extremely good hire. Wonderful guy. And I wrote another 35 papers with him. So those years, the decade preceding my Nobel Prize, were the most exciting in my life, both personally and professionally.

Zierler:

Did you keep up your collaboration with Bj Bjorken after your work with him in the prediction of the charm quark?

Glashow:

(Laughter) Yes. Well, as friends, absolutely, but we met only sporadically. In terms of publications, we never published anything more together. But I remember him in recent years dropping into my office unexpected. He would make these impromptu tours to visit his old buddies. I was one of them. And he would try to explain the exotic things he was doing, which did seem, indeed, to be quite crazy. Our collaboration in 1964 was a very minor experience for him. He didn’t much like charm. It was too questionable, too speculative for him. But he reluctantly signed that paper with a slightly pseudonymous name. He didn’t sign it James D. Bjorken. He signed it Bj Bjorken.

Zierler:

That’s Bj. That’s it.

Glashow:

(Laughter) It was the only paper that he published under that name.

Zierler:

Capital “B,” lower case “j”—Bj.

Glashow:

Yes.

Zierler:

(Laughter) Now, to what extent was that work with Bj—to what extent was that a precursor to the GIM mechanism from 1970 and the two quark (Unintelligible)?

Glashow:

(Unintelligible) We realized that the neutral current that would result from the introduction of the charm quark as we had done led to an innocuous neutral current. The commuter at the weak current with its adjoint produced a strangeness conserving neutral current. If we had applied our notion to my electroweak theory the theory covered then describe both leptons and hadrons. But quarks had just newly been discovered. Quarks were introduced in I think January of ‘64 by Murray, and they remained highly speculative. So, I can only blame myself for not realizing that we had the secret to making the electroweak theory applicable and known particles in matter. But I simply didn’t realize it at the time. That was ‘64. It was not until ‘69 that the three of us, the GIM collaboration, realized that simple fact. And we exploited it in a paper which was not committed to the electroweak model. We pointed out that this was an issue in any theory of the weak interactions, there would be induced strangeness changing neutral currents one way or another, and that we showed that that would not happen in the presence of the charmed quark. So, we were so very foolish. I deserve a great deal of blame for not realizing how useful had been what I had done with Bj.

Zierler:

Right. When did you first come into contact with the idea of the string theory?

Glashow:

Initially, string theory was simply an attempt to provide a theory of strong interactions, and I was not much into that game at all. That again has to do with the Berkeley situation as it had been. One of the persons who was responsible for hiring me, I would find out, was Geoffrey Chew. Chew was extremely friendly throughout my experiences there. He was pushing not string theory, but rather his bootstrap mechanism.

Zierler:

Right.

Glashow:

Chew’s bootstrap immediately led to string theory. But one of the things about Geoff Chew, which I found admirable, was that he had his own program for what the future of physics was in terms of his thoughts, but he made no attempt to dominate the department with people who followed his ideas. In fact, he did everything he could to avoid this. He would send his best students elsewhere when they became mature scientists. Instead, he would hire people like Steve Weinberg and me who had nothing to do with this type of physics. That was the way one should be. If you have your own ideas—yes push them by all means—but don’t contaminate your school with your own followers. The same is said more succinctly but less properly in the military. He never did that. Nor, of course, did Schwinger.

Zierler:

So, your work with Howard Georgi in 1972, 1973—you were not specifically influenced or thinking much about string theory at all during that time. When you’re looking about gauge forces and fitting them into the standard model?

Glashow:

Absolutely not. We had little or nothing to do with string theory. They were hoping that string theory would answer all our questions about fundamental physics. No one in those days understood where the top quark was. The bottom quark was just discovered in ‘77. How many quarks were there? What is going on? Why are their masses? What they are? The string theorists claimed they would answer all these questions. Today, they know that they cannot do so.

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

They have come to the very opposite conclusion, that there are an infinite number of universes, each with its own particles, forces, and physical laws. Of these, we live in the best of all possible universes. The so-called Anthropic Principle reflects an attitude that I cannot countenance. I could not countenance it from the beginning. They may be right, but they are unable to answer any of the questions that they set about trying to answer, whereas, we have answered some of those very questions already, same, but not enough.

Zierler:

What is your understanding of the relationship between the string theory and superstring theory? Because you are much more prominently known as a critic of superstring theory and not string theory itself.

Glashow:

So far as I know, the words are synonymous.

Zierler:

Uh-huh.

Glashow:

String theory may have originated in the different sense. It wasn’t very super. But the dividing line was when they realized that string theory incorporated naturally a theory of gravity. That made it super.

Zierler:

Right. Right.

Glashow:

I don’t think it’s super in any other sense than that, except that it implies (or requires) supersymmetry.

Zierler:

In retrospect, Shelly—how well do you think—has both string theory and your criticism of it aged over the past 30 years?

Glashow:

Well, it’s hard to answer that. String theory has become an established part of physics departments throughout the world, more so in Europe than in America. We still have some universities which are proudly string-free, like Boston University. We also have an awful lot of string theorists around who are twiddling their thumbs. It is not clear that string theory is going anywhere. I expect that string theorists would disagree with that assessment. But they are actually considering many other circumstances such as black holes in other spaces than ours, and there are all kinds of interesting things being done in mathematics, in physics, elsewhere by string theorists but with no relationship to the questions that interest me. They cannot answer the questions they set out to answer. That much is clear.

Zierler:

That’s as clear to you—

Glashow:

That was clear from the beginning, I think.

Zierler:

Yeah. Shelly, let’s talk a little bit about the run-up to the announcement of your Nobel Prize. It’s always interesting the gestation period of the original research and when the announcement actually happens. So, I’m curious if you had any idea, you know, 1979 was the year.

Glashow:

by the late 1970s I began to think of myself as a Nobel contender. But I was under the impression that my old friend Steven Weinberg was doing everything in his power to keep the prize for himself and Salam. In particular—at a conference that he attended in Tokyo—he went out of his way to avoid mentioning my name at all while presenting the history of weak interaction theory. I got very upset by that omission. It was the issue which terminated our friendship. In the summer of 1979, I was invited to a meeting in Stockholm, to discuss the current state of physics ideas and others. Prior to the meeting, I sent a transcript of my talk to Steve. He was violently against my giving the talk. Because it examined various alternatives to what was then known as Weinberg/Salam theory. In fact, it was an open-minded talk in which I was discussing whether their—or more properly—our theory was a correct one or not. But it was such a heated discussion that I eventually had to simply hang up on him, because I had no intention of revising my talk. And I did not.

Zierler:

Was his assessment of your paper accurate in your mind?

Glashow:

I did talk about alternatives to the Weinberg-Salam theory. Yes. I was not yet convinced that it had to be true.

Zierler:

And what was your sense of why this was so unacceptable to him?

Glashow:

He thought it would endanger the Nobel Prize that he had campaigned for and anticipated for Salam and himself. Recall that Salam made a great deal of noise about why the prize should be given to he, Salam. I’ve been told that there were dozens and dozens of nominations of Salam. In fact, there’s a whole paper written about his shenanigans, which I can refer to you; written by Norman Dombey. Everything he says is true, to my knowledge. As it turned out the Nobel Prize was given in 1979 to the three of us. It was given to me explicitly for the one paper I wrote in 1960, which was published in 1961. In it, I introduced the SU(2)XU(1) theory. When I was at the Stockholm meeting. I encountered an elderly physicist, not nearly as old as I am today. He interrogated me, asking: “This angle that’s called the Weinberg angle, is that the same as the angle that you introduced in your paper of 1960?” I said, “It might differ by 90 degrees.” He said, “No. It’s exactly the same.” I took that as a good omen for my Nobel Prize. There is no question at all in my mind that that one paper was all they considered. They were not considering the fourth quark or the work I had done with charm or any of my other work. They considered this one paper and my Harvard thesis exclusively for their decision.

Zierler:

And so, you never collaborated directly with Salam?

Glashow:

No. But let me continue with my narrative. My Nobel Prize depended on that one paper written in 1960. Steve’s Nobel Prize depended exclusively on that one paper he wrote in 1967, a wonderful paper which applied the notion of spontaneous symmetry breaking to the—my electroweak model. So, the question arises, what did Salam do? He introduced the electroweak—the SU(2)XU(1) model in 1964. That was over three years after I did. He copied my work but did not cite me.

Zierler:

Shelly, let me ask—do you think that there is any possibility that this would be a multiple independent discovery?

Glashow:

Absolutely not. He knew my work when I wrote a paper—falsely claiming that the Yang-Mills theory would be renormalizable when masses were put in by hand. I claimed it would be renormalizable. I spoke about that work in London when I visited in 1959. Salam listened patiently to my work. And when I got back home, there were two articles awaiting me from his institution, one by him, another by a Japanese coworker, each of them showing that I had made a stupid mistake and that my paper was wrong. So, he certainly read my papers carefully. I have no doubt that he had read my 1961 paper as well, because the similarities were too great in his 1964 paper. In any event even if independently conceived, it was fully three years later.

Zierler:

Do you want to comment on why then he would have been a co-recipient of the Nobel Prize with you for this copy of your work?

Glashow:

I’ll explain it in a moment. But let me come back to—he also claims to the first to introduce spontaneous symmetry breaking in the paper that he wrote in 1968, one year after Steve wrote his paper. But that paper even cites Steve’s paper, so it is hardly the first time. He did what each of us had previously done, but much later. So why did he get a Nobel Prize? Very simply, he was nominated many times. Because he was Director of the International Center for Theoretical Physics in Trieste, Italy and he was very close with the directors of physics institutes in many countries; almost 100 of different institutions. And many of them wrote letters, by his instruction, using his words in some cases, encouraging the Nobel Committee to give the prize to him and also Steven. All of this documented, in fact, by the paper by Norman Dombey, who had access to Salam’s files in Italy, and has copies of the letters that he sent to other people encouraging them to nominate him. So, I think he shared the prize because he made a point of doing just that. Only after our award did the Weinberg-Salam theory become the Glashow-Salam-Weinberg theory.

Zierler:

This must have been an incredibly awkward and intense few months in your life.

Glashow:

Well, no. I’m only rarely awkward and intense. It really wasn’t. I would have been very surprised had I not shared in the prize. But the question was—I didn’t have dozens of Nobel nominations. Neither did Steve. I believe I had two. One was from Murray, the other from Sidney Coleman, perhaps there were others.

Zierler:

Were you ever able to repair your friendship with Steve?

Glashow:

Only enough to go and give a talk in Austin, maybe 10 years ago. And I have tried to—recently contacted him and tried to solicit his writing with me a paper having to do with fears related to the COVID epidemic, namely fear for support of physics in the post-COVID years. The fear is that ambitious attempts to pursue “useless” science like particle physics and astronomy are doomed, because NASA may not funded to do the kind of basic research it has done in the past. And I don’t think the accelerators—I don’t think we will be enabled to work at the European accelerator or at other accelerators when and if they are built because we will not be supported. So that’s it. Steve thought such a paper might be inadvisable, and he may be right.

Zierler:

To the extent that you can separate such things in your mind, did you feel more personally or professionally hurt by this episode?

Glashow:

Oh, my closeness as a friend, which was intense when we were in high school and persistent for many years afterwards, had dissipated long before. In particular, his article at the Japanese conference terminated any possible personal friendship in the future.

Zierler:

I wonder if you have ever reflected on the fact that you had been so close, if that may have felt that he had more leeway to treat you in the way that he did. In other words, if he was an impersonal colleague, perhaps he would have not felt so comfortable or aggressive in telling you not to pursue this particular line of questioning.

Glashow:

We were colleagues for years, something like two or three years at—three years at Berkeley. And then we were colleagues at Harvard for many years until he moved to MIT. Over the years we did collaborate on three papers, two of them moderately interesting, the third quite important.

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

No. He was at MIT. Then he moved to Harvard, and then he moved to Texas. But there was an interim when he and I were both at Harvard. At that time, it was a difficult relationship.

Zierler:

Yeah. Particularly because in the end, your views did not endanger his receipt of the Nobel Prize.

Glashow:

But Steve’s actions surely endangered mine.

Zierler:

Shelly, a happier kind of question—receipt of the Nobel Prize is obviously a quantum leap in terms of the level of recognition and the fame it bestows upon the recipient. And so inevitably, if you want it, it gives you a larger megaphone, right? You have a much larger profile and that comes with possibly the opportunity to talk about things that might be personally or professionally important to you that might not have anything to do with the research for which you are recognized. So, I wonder if you ever recognized or reflected on that kind of opportunity to, you know, raise issues that were important to you that might not be so directly related to the research? And if you used that opportunity.

Glashow:

Well, I don’t think that I particularly made use of my notoriety, so to speak, aside from supporting various initiatives and signing petitions. Most recently, 77 Nobel Prize winners objected to the way in which an American researcher was treated. Because some of his research was done at Wuhan University. That action was inspired by Trump, and NIH responded obligingly by canceling a contract for no sensible reason. Yes, I certainly am very happy to sign documents of that kind, and I’m asked to do that quite frequently. I will sign such initiatives whenever I agree strongly with its arguments.

Zierler:

How would you describe your personal politics, and to what extent have they changed over the decades?

Glashow:

My personal politics are primarily disgust with the present administration and the prayerful hope that Biden will be elected this year. And I would certainly—we certainly intend to support him, as we have supported Elizabeth Warren, for whom my wife, I and some of our friends sponsored an event where we collected over $50,000 for her. So, I have been involved in things of that kind and will likely be so involved again. Trump has made it embarrassing to be an American with a president who is cruel, incompetent and corrupt. There is not much to be done but vote. I would certainly do anything I could to promote sanity, but I don’t know how that can be done.

Zierler:

Do you see your life—your professional life at least—as a pre-Nobel and a post-Nobel kind of distinction? In other words, after winning the Nobel Prize, I wonder in what ways was it more difficult to continue on with your research, and in what ways was it easier? In other words, winning the Nobel Prize might open some doors and increase your notoriety, but it certainly pulls your attention in many other directions that you might not have had before.

Glashow:

Most of what I have accomplished in physics with a few exceptions, was done before 1979. So, yes, I’ve continued doing research and I have written some papers of which I am quite proud. One paper of 1998, with Alvaro De Rujula and Andrew Cohen showed that we do not live in a universe which matter/antimatter symetric. That is, we know there is no local antimatter, but it was an open question as to whether distant objects could be antimatter. And it is a seemingly rational possibility but we have shown that those regions, if they exist, the regions of matter and antimatter have to be larger than the visible size of the universe. Our paper disappointed my dear friend Sam Ting, whose AMS experiment was originally designed to discover antimatter in space. It has since been redirected toward more achievable goals. That’s no longer—it has been renamed and retitled. It is no longer a search for antimatter in space, in part because we showed there can’t be any, and in part because he hasn’t found any.

Zierler:

(Laughter) So, I am curious, Shelly, you said that your most significant work was pre-Nobel.

Glashow:

Oh, yes.

Zierler:

Do you ascribe winning the Nobel Prize as having a deleterious effect on your research?

Glashow:

Absolutely not. What I attribute it to is the lack of discoveries that have been made post 1979. It’s true and it’s astonishing that we were successful in finding the Higgs boson. But that was 2012, as I remember. That was one of the only recent discoveries in particle physics. The top quark—yes, it was discovered. It was observed in 1998. But these were both expected discoveries. Have there been any unexpected discoveries since 1979? Aside from the differ reaction of gravitational waves and merging black holes I cannot think of any.

Zierler:

So, if you can reflect more broadly, what does that mean? Are there just diminishing returns on what’s to be discovered? Are we waiting for the next Einstein? Is the technology or the computation waiting to catch up with that?

Glashow:

Well, we were experimentally guided, and it is experiment that tells us where to go. At this point, I think it’s up to the experimenters. We—I was very distressed—one of the saddest days of my life professionally was in 1993, when the American superconducting super collider was canceled.

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

That was the machine that might well have answered our questions because it was three times more powerful than the not-all-that-large hadron collider which the Europeans mercifully were able to improvise.

Zierler:

So, Shelly, let me ask you specifically on that—I am talking to Fred Gilman tomorrow, so this would be a good prep for that. To what extent was CERN able to simply pick up the ball that SSC dropped and to what extent is that not true? That what you envisioned for SSC would have gone beyond whatever CERN was able to do?

Glashow:

The design energy of the SSC was three times the maximum attained energy of the CHC had the SSC been completed. I am certain that many of our most vexing questions about particle physics would have been answered long ago. Upon the cancellation of the SSC project, CERN stepped in by designing and constructing the LHC. The concept was brilliantly conceived and well executed, as proven by its discovery of the Higgs boson in 2012. The LHC has become the crown jewel of elementary particle physics. However, in its 12 years of operation, the LHC has found no departures from the predictions of the standard model, nor any signs of physics beyond the standard model. We remain hopeful that the upgraded high-luminosity LHC, soon to be deployed will discover something new and exciting.

Zierler:

So, invariably it is going to be a speculative answer but I’m curious—had the SSC been built, where would particle physics, theoretical particle physics, be today and how might you use that as a justification for the tremendous taxpayer commitment to funding such a project?

Glashow:

Yours is a doubly hypothetical question. There are many ways to justify fundamental research in such recondite (useless) fields as particle physics and astronomy. Spinoff is one, much as the world-wide-web, the air-handling system at Meyrin Airport, the provision of inexpensive ventilators to Covid-19 patients in poor countries, CERN’s recent proof of the authenticity of a painting by Raphael, and much more. These disciplines also offer profound challenges to physicist and engineers, thereby developing skills that can be deployed in more practical disciplines. Yet the most important reason to pressure the most fundamental sciences is simply to pursue our sacred obligation to understand, as best we can, the universe in which we find ourselves.

Zierler:

So, Shelly, I’m asking you—let me ask just as bluntly as possible—make the case, right? Why should it be done? Why should something like the SSC be funded by the American taxpayer?

Glashow:

Our government, as well as those of many other nations, have been very supported of basic research in both particle physics and cosmology. I believe that people thru through out the world are excited by such discoveries as quarks and quasars, Higgs bosons and colliding black holes. I hope that this support will continue, especially in this troubled time of pandemic and climate change.

Zierler:

Yeah. On that idea, right, I wonder if—particularly with your opposition to string theory, right—do you see yourself as part of an intellectual tradition where you can trace your way of thinking back to that of your mentors or contemporaries of your mentors? Do you see these things in those terms? Because inevitably, philosophy—a philosophy of science—you know, bumps into the way that you see how the world works and the way that science should be done.

Glashow:

Difficult question to answer (laughter). I’ve never been much of an enthusiast about the philosophy of science except in the hands of a very few people. I no longer feel so strongly about string theory. Why beat a dead horse? String Theory does not answer the questions that I’m interested in. I’m sad about that. I hope that they’re wrong. I have no reason to think that their horse is, in fact, dead, but it’s dead from the point of view of being useful to my way of thinking about physics. And I think that many experimenters feel exactly the same way, because string theorists say nothing about experiments that have or could be done. They only speak of experiments that cannot be done, which is somehow not interesting.

No, I feel that I am in the tradition of people like Gell-Mann and Schwinger, who have been my mentors, or people like Bj who have been my collaborators, or people like Sidney Coleman, who has striven to try to understand quantum mechanics as best as possible. It’s a tradition which I hope will continue, and I think that other nations will build larger accelerators. The contenders: the Japanese, the Chinese, and CERN. And one or more of them is very apt to build the next accelerator. A very modest suggestion by the Japanese is the International Linear Collider for which there is a design that was created by my good friend, Barry Barish and his collaborators. There is a tremendous future for the new science of gravitational wave astronomy, and in particular LIGO in space, known as LISA, a project of the European Space Agency.

There’s a big future for that kind of research. Our standard models of particle physics and cosmology are both manifestly incomplete. There’s a problem, as you know, a tension, they say, between different measurements of the Hubble constant, a very disturbing situation. LIGO may shed light on this problem? I don’t know the status of the Japanese ILC or the Chinese large electron-positron collider which is their first step toward a large hadron collider. It’s not in the current five-year plan, but it might be in the next. But that work is probably not going on right now because of the nature of the relationship between our governments. What’s going to happen at CERN? The high luminosity upgrade to the LHC will be deployed and may prove fruitful. Afterwards, CERN will seek new challenges. CERN has always succeeded in what it seeks to accomplish.

Zierler:

Are you more or less bullish now than you were in the early 1970s when you started to think about the Grand Unified Theory in a systematic way? Are you more bullish or less bullish now that this is an achievable pursuit?

Glashow:

The simple models that Howard Georgi and I considered are basically ruled out. We don’t have sensible alternatives. Of course, people play all kinds of games, but there is nothing that shines out as being a correct implementation of the idea of grand unification. Perhaps we will, at some point. Not even the string theorists have claimed to have such a thing. They have no way to choose among the countless realizations of string theory. Nothing favors one to the other except the fact that we are here, which offers a very thin argument. String theorists will persist and may be successful. But can my discipline survive the threat to the cosmic sciences posed by Covid, climate change, and political incompetence?

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

I think that was Viki Weisskopf’s term.

Zierler:

Yeah. Shelly, over the course of your career, when and how did you pay much attention to general relativity? And to what extent was general relativity useful for your own research?

Glashow:

(Laughter) I took a course in general relativity taught by Paul Martin at Harvard, and he made a miserable job of it. I studied general relativity by myself and am fairly familiar with it, but it hasn’t affected my actual research program at all.

Zierler:

What do you see is its place as a contributing factor to the Grand Unified Theory?

Glashow:

Grand Unified Theory, as defined, has nothing to do with general relativity. That was not included in the original modest hope. The hope was merely to get a satisfactory unified theory of strong, weak and electromagnetic interactions. It’s much more ambitious to include gravity, and it would be lovely to be able to do so. One may hope that such a unification will come about. Of course, the string theorists claim that they have already done that but not in a manner that satisfies me.

Zierler:

Shelly, we focused so much on research questions. I want to ask you a few questions about your career as a teacher and a mentor. So first, on the teaching side. In teaching undergraduates, what are your favorite courses to teach? And in particular, those classes where you might be teaching undergraduates who are not going to pursue a career in physics, and you might have a singular opportunity to share with them some fundamental concepts that they should really know. What are those concepts and in what courses are more enjoyable to teach them?

Glashow:

For several years before I had left Harvard in 2009. I had stopped advising graduate students and teaching graduate courses. I was mostly taught a physics-for-poets type course, for which I wrote a remarkably unsuccessful textbook. From Alchemy to Quarks. It’s a wonderful book, but a little bit too sophisticated for that audience. I enjoyed teaching the course very much—college kids ought to know something about the major achievements of physics in the twentieth century, such as the special theory of relativity and elementary quantum mechanics. They should understand how we understand the atom in great detail and in at a deeper level than it’s taught in typical courses for non-scientists. I found that it can be done in small groups but not in large courses. Large courses have been unsuccessful in that respect. When I came to BU, I created a course for their newly designed honors program. That program did not exist when I first came to BU. Instead, I began my BU experience as a member of their Superlature University Professors Program. Upon Bob Brown’s accession to the BU presidency, he appointed me to a committee whose charge was to abolish John Silver’s program. The new honors program would arise from its ashes. During my first years at BU, I taught half-time within the University Professors Program. The course dealt with energy ands the environment. It continued after the UPP was terminated as a Freshman seminar in the new honors program. The seminar was limited to 15 gifted Freshman. I got much enjoyment teaching this course each year. The students appreciated the threat of climate change, and several of them chase to dedicating their careers towards fighting the threat.

Zierler:

And was that one of the things that was attractive about switching over to BU—that you could help build this program?

Glashow:

I didn’t know when I came to BU that I would have such an opportunity the first few years I was teaching in the University Professor’s program. We were to deal with small numbers of students at the graduate level and it was fine. But I never had a thesis student in that program because the program didn’t make sense for students of the hard sciences. To be a physics major, you must devote a good proportion of your courses to physics and mathematics. And if you don’t, you cannot be really a good physics major. Being a physics student was not compatible with being a student in the UPP. Nonetheless Being a University Professor was a great honor and the program seemed well conceived, but it didn’t fit in with physics. The new program is intended for undergraduates who have demonstrated competence in most fields of human thought. The kids in the honors program were bright and receptive. They were a delight and privilege to teach.

Zierler:

Yeah (laughter). And on the graduate side, can you talk a little bit about your style as a mentor, particularly in light of the fact that you were a protégé of Schwinger and Gell-Mann and people of this stature? How would you describe your own style as a mentor and who have been some of your most productive collaborators both as graduate students and postdocs?

Glashow:

Well, I have to say that I haven’t been very effective as a teacher of graduate students. I have about a dozen Ph.D.s that I directed over the course of my research experience. Only one was a woman who had majored in English literature, later becoming interested in physic. However, she worked hard and was able to overcome this omission. She earned her doctorate with me at BU and went on to become a professor at Penn State.

Sidney Coleman had been a graduate student at CalTech, but he was my student de facto while I was a post doc at CalTech. He was my best student by far. Coleman and I became intense collaborators for a long time during the sixties, when we created, among other things, the Coleman-Glashow mass formula. We also showed how you can get many of the consequences of flavor SU(3) from simple three-by-three matrixes rather than from Gell-Mann’s eight-by-eight matrices, and that fun to do accomplishment. So, we did a few things, we did some wonderful work later in his career on tests of the special theory of relativity. In fact, one of my most cited papers, was written with him about tests of Lorentz invariance. So, we had a lot of fun there for a while. So, it was very strange—at the very beginning of his career and at its very end, Coleman’s papers were with me. However, his really important stuff was carried out in the time between.

Zierler:

I’m struck by you; said a dozen graduate students over the years. That reminds me of the number you cited of Schwinger just in the year that you joined his group where he took on 12 a year. Right? So what do you think accounts for the fact that he would take on 12 in one year and you have had 12 in a career?

Glashow:

He was a much better mentor than I. That’s for sure. I found it difficult to think of research projects for my graduate students. I was much more effective working with as post- doctoral fellows, such as Alvaro De Rújula, John Iliopoulos, Luciano Maiani, and Howard Georgi. I wrote 35 papers with Howard and 31 with Alvaro. I profited enormously from those collaborations, as did my collaborators.

Zierler:

I want to ask you a question that’s—invariably it’s going to touch on philosophy—and that is, to what extent do you see your research helping to understand what is perhaps the most existential question in physics which is, do the laws of physics allow for a situation in which the universe could create itself?

Glashow:

Let me put it this way—how else could the universe have been created? So, of course, I believe that the universe created itself. And it brings us to the question, far outside my field, of what is the origin of life? Or more precisely, what is the origin of life on earth? That’s a truly fascinating question. We do not have the answer.

Zierler:

So, physics, if not today, at some point in the future you believe will be able to answer that question of how the universe could have created itself? And life for that matter.

Glashow:

And life for that matter. Yes, I think that you might find that some string theorists might feel that they have answered this question, although the answer might not be illuminating to us mortals.

Zierler:

(Laughter) Shelly, I want to ask some broadly retrospective questions in the last portion of our interview and then maybe a few looking to the future. The first is, what do you feel personally that you truly understand about physics now that as a graduate student when you were really sort of defining your own professional expertise and identity as a physicist—what do you truly understand now that you didn’t 40 or 50 years ago?

Glashow:

Well, the answer in brief is a hell of a lot. Quantum electrodynamics arose in the forties, but we had no theoretical understanding of the strong interactions or the weak interactions. When I was a graduate student, we had a so-called meson theory of nuclear forces, where it was imagined that pions did the job. Pion exchange was the mechanism underlying nuclear forces the meson theory did not suffice. This became obvious when the population explosion of elementary particles took place. It became increasingly clear that something else was going on. The weak interactions were a mess. For example, why weaker the weak interactions of strange particles weaker than the weak interactions of other particles? That question was answered by Gell-Mann in 1959 and more explicitly, by Cabibbo in 1963. Parity violation was discovered in the 1950s, CP violation a decade later.

Parity violation was incorporated within our impearl model of weak interactions by Marshak and Sudarshan, and slight later by Feynman and Gell-Mann. That’s an interesting story in itself about the history of physics. Feynman agreed thoroughly that it was first done by Marshak and Sudarshan. Sudarshan recently died and was never properly recognized for the work he had done. He was a good friend of mine in graduate school and afterwards. But the idea of the idea and implementation of electro weak unification was wonderful and even more the theory of quantum chromodynamics. These two parts of the standard model fit together perfectly. The crazy idea of para-statistics that my friend Oscar Greenberg at Maryland had introduced in 1964 became quark color in the hands of people like Gell-Mann and Harald Fritzsch. QCD has become the accepted theory of the strong nuclear bond. Our computer friends are more and more learning how to use OCD to make substantive quantitative calculations of observed particle masses. The Standard theory offers a correct, complete and consistent description of particles and their interactions it is an incredibly accomplishment. Yes, it does leave many open questions and those are the things that still fascinate.

Zierler:

And to flip that question on its head, what is as mysterious to you today as it was 40 or 50 years ago?

Glashow:

Almost everyone recognizes that the masses of the different quarks and leptons are not what they are by happenstance. And there must be some way, if not of calculating them all, of some relations among them. Nobody anticipated the top quark would be hundreds of times heavier than the charmed quarks. It seemed crazy. The neutrino masses are completely a puzzle. Again, simple three-by-three matrices appear sufficient to describe neutrino phenomena just as they are sufficient to describing weak interaction phenomena among the quarks. But why these particular three-by-three matrices? There are too many parameters in the standard model—about two dozen of them, and that is just absurd. Can we get that down to a manageable number? Would be nice to need just two or three parameters but I’d settle for a dozen.

Zierler:

Now, if it’s true that the rut that theoretical particle physics has been in for the past 40 or so years remains the same, if there is a graduate student who is very talented in physics, in theoretical physics, who comes to you and says “Shelly, give me some career advice. What do you think that I should do? What are the things that I should pursue that are going to propel my career for the next 20 or 30 years?”—what kind of advice would you give?

Glashow:

I have not been so approached for over 20 years. The answer is that I have not been taking graduate students for quite a long time, for perhaps 25 years. I don’t know where to send them, nor what they should be doing. My erst while colleagues, people like Iliopoulos, DeRéjula and Howard Georgi, they too don’t know really where to go at this point.

Zierler:

And so, you’re speaking of theory as a whole now, not just your particular field.

Glashow:

I’m thinking of particle theory.

Zierler:

Yeah.

Glashow:

Theory lives on without further particle theory. The work that is being done on information technology, on quantum computing, both theoretical and experimental is very exciting. The work that is being done at high pressure to find and to exploit the properties of metallic hydrogen is something which Harvard is deeply involved. Ike Silvera’s work is to me, very exciting. I’m not broadly informed about the things that are going on, other than particle physics, but a few things I do. The work that Lene Hau has done on slowing down light and creating circumstances in which light is virtually stopped—very exciting. Even if not fundamental. The search for electric dipole moments which will eventually be successful, which Norman Ramsey was pursuing throughout his life, is still being pursued and will be pursued by another factor of ten or 100 in the next few years, and I think that is very promising. Ditto for neutrino physics. My colleagues are certainly looking for CP violation there and they will probably find it within my lifetime. We are also beginning to collaborate with the Chinese. The Chinese have begun doing some exciting experimental physics, will continue, especially at the Daya Bay Laboratory, with American collaboration. Even more interesting are the experiments now under way at China’s Jinping Underground Laboratory. BU is involved in a promising experiment on muon conversion. They search for muon captured by a nucleus, very rarely converting into electrons. The discovery of such lepton favor conversion would be astonishing! Ditto the search for neutrinos double beta decay which is being pursued all over the world. The Chinese may pursue the most sensitive research. Gravitational waves astronomy, as premiered by LIGO, maybe the next frontier of fundamental science. Especially when combined with other astronomical searches, thereby yielding multi-disciplinary synergies.

Zierler:

(Laughter) Shelly, we’ve touched a little bit about the problems that the coronavirus is creating in terms of advancing scientific research, and perhaps even having an effect to dry up entire areas of research. But there is another crisis we haven’t talked about with regard to COVID, and that is the social crisis of the disconnect between science and what scientists do, and the broader public understanding of that. And we are living in a society now where you know, things like wearing a mask is a political act and people are suspicious of vaccines and things like that, right? I wonder if you could reflect a little bit, over the course of your career, about how we might have gotten to this position and what might we do as people who work in the general field of science to correct that, to get our country in the strongest possible position going forward?

Glashow:

Many portions of the American population harbor a profound dislike and distrust of science. Sometimes the objectives are religious, such as to abortion, birth control, evolution and big-bang cosmology. Others results from various forms of conspiracy theories: anti-vaccines, GMO opponents, belief in the deliberate creation of the Covid-19 pandemic, the assassination of JKF, ands by the American government of the 9/11 disaster. At the moment, the antivaxxers and those they influence may make it impossible to contain the Covid-19 pandemic. I have great confidence that one or more safe and effective vaccines against the virus will soon become available. But the vaccine will be of no use if many people fear to take it. There are other consequences of science fear and scientific illiteracy. They include climate change denial and opposition to nuclear power. A better educated population is prerequisite to the solution to our two mask existential problems: climate change and pandemics, Covid-19 and its inevitable successors.

Zierler:

Are you surprised that we’re here as a nation, where there is this strong anti-science portion of the American population? How did we get here?

Glashow:

I don’t know. We haven’t always been here.

Zierler:

That’s why the question is how did we get here, because we didn’t used to be.

Glashow:

Perhaps American generosity to science began with the Marie Curie radium Fund, created by American women. By 1921, they enabled Mme. Curie to purchase one gram of radium. Eight years later, upon Mme. Curies next visit to the states, she was given sufficient money to buy another gram. The gifts were presented to her by President Harding and Hoover, respectively (both Republicans, by the way) These generous gifts amounted to more than $2,000,000.00 in todays dollars.

After World War II, having spent the equivalent of 30 billion in 2020 dollars on developing nuclear weapons, funding basic science grew rapidly. The 200-inch Hale Telescope saw first light in 1949. It would remain the world’s largest telescope for 44 years. Two powerful proton accelerators were built soon afterwards: the Brookhaven Cosmotron in 1952, the Berkeley Bevatron in 1954. Each of these facilities cost roughly 100 million in 2020 dollars. As telescopes and accelerators became more powerful, they grew even more costly. The large Hadron Collider at CERN and NASA’s soon to be launched James Webb Space Telescope each has a total cost exceeding ten billion dollars. Many people argue that the cosmic sciences have become too expensive to pursue further. I cannot believe them. Human curiosity is too powerful to be constrained by financial considerations ingenuity together with international cooperation will ensure that the search will go on.

Zierler:

Well, Shelly, for my last question, you certainly fit the trend of the fact that eminent physicists never retire. They always remain active. And so, I want to ask you personally, what still excites you? What motivates you? What are the projects that continue to motivate you to remain active in the field? And what do you want to hope to accomplish for the rest of your life?

Glashow:

To be honest, I’m not doing research much any longer. What I have written recently has had to do with the history of physics rather than its substance. I just don’t feel competent to dip into research again. Instead, I am quite happy acting as an editor of The Inference: International Review of Science. We are trying to make it into a more substantive magazine if we can get the funding. We intend Inference to become the premiere scientific periodical in the niche between the professional and the popular, with editions in several different languages.

Zierler:

Shelly, it has been so fun talking with you today. I am so appreciative of our time together. Thank you so much.

Glashow:

Thank you, David. It has been a pleasure.

Scans

_____________________________________________________________________________________________
Dr. Abdus Salam and Nobel Prize (alhafeez.org)

Dr. Abdus Salam And The Nobel Prize, Motives, Possibilities, Designs by Maulana Yusuf Ludhianvi

FORWARD

Dr. Abdus Salam got the Nobel Prize toward the end of 1979. A Preliminary outline of the following Article was already written at that time. But in those days there were strict restrictions of censure. And our friends looked on (monthly), Bayyenat with a special favor. Even though only a photocopy of the articles, already published in contemporary papers of Karachi, was included in Bayyenat, yet the command of the bureaucracy (in which the Qadianis were Prominent) descended that it could not be Published in Bayyenat. It was submitted: Please see! This article has already been published in an esteemed monthly of Karachi, and we are Publishing the Photocopy of the same. In answer it was ordained: Whatever be! Bayyenat cannot print this article. Obviously, what could be said in response to this royal decree!

On the occasion of the hundredth anniversary of Darul-Uloom Deoband, a special publication, ‘Pakistan meyn Faizan-e-Darul-Uloom’, (Darul-Uloom’s bounty in Pakistan) running into 300 pages was compiled. But not only that it could not be published, it was so pilfered that its copies could not be traced in spite of search. Moreover its handwritten manuscript too was stolen. The same calamity befell this article….

Later other issues absorbed our thought and sight and this article receded into oblivion. Therefore it is being published rather belatedly. However, this delay ushered in a silver lining: we got the opportunity to draw upon the latest information on the subject. It is our pleasure to present the article revised and revamped for our readers.

Muhammad Yusuf

2/5/1408 A.H.

Bismillah Al-Rehman- Al-Raheem
(In the Name of Allah, the Most Beneficent, the Most Merciful)
The Nobel Prize was proposed for Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani on October 15, 1979, and it was awarded to him on December 10, 1979.

We glorify Allah and ask blessings and salutations of peace for the noble prophet (sallallaho alaihe wasallam) and his companions and those who follow him in up-holding the cause of the right religion.

Qadiani-Jewish Lobby
What is this Nobel Prize? What Qadiani motives are behind this award? This analysis should have been carried out earlier; however, the Qadiani-Jewish lobby unleashed an immediate and enormous propaganda campaign to forestall a forthright consideration of the issue and cover up their motives. Thus few people could get an opportunity to examine the ramifications of this award to Dr. Abdus Salam.
First of all, the Qadianis made an effort to show that the bestowal of this award was something in the nature of a super-natural happening, a miracle which Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani had accomplished. Secondly, an effort was made to prove through this award that the spiritual sire of Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani, i.e., Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian, was an oracle who predicted such super-natural deeds. These calculations were bound to produce favorable impressions on Muslims, chiefly upon those who neither know the facts about the Nobel Prize nor care what Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani is up to.

To counter this Qadiani propaganda, it is now necessary to lay bare some facts and to bring out the truth. Let us also examine the motives which Abdus Salam Qadiani and the Qadiani-Jewish lobby wish to achieve through this award and their nefarious hidden designs against Islamic nations of the world.

What is Nobel Prize?
In order to understand this, attention of readers is drawn to a booklet, entitled, First Ahmadi Muslim Scientist Abdus Salam, written by Mahmud Mujib Asghar Qadiani. This book has been written specifically for children and draws its subject matter from Encyclopedia Britannica. It reads: (Pages 49-51).
“Children! Nobel Prize is awarded in memory of a Swedish scientist Mr. Alfred Bernhard Nobel. He was born on October 21, 1833, at Stockholm, capital of Sweden. Nobel was a great chemical engineer. After his death, a Foundation was set up, named Nobel Foundation. This was according to his will. The Foundation awards. five Prizes every year and the first series of awards commenced in December 1901, on Nobel’s fifth death anniversary.

The Prize is awarded to those pre-eminent personages who excel in the fields of Physics, Chemistry, Physiology, Medicine, Literature and Peace. The Prize consists of a gold medal along with a certificate and a cash Prize of about L80,000.

Procedure for selection is that names of prospective candidates are submitted to a panel who represent certain agencies. They decide on the rightful persons. Names in respect of Physics and Chemistry are put up before Royal Academy of Sciences, Stockholm; in respect of Physiology and Medicine to Caroline Medical Institute, Stockholm; in respect of Literature, to Swedish Academy of France/Spain; and for World Peace, to a Committee, of five members elected by the Norwegian Parliament.”

Some Noteworthy Information
Some pertinent information related to the Nobel Prize is given below:
Alfred Bernhard Nobel
He was the inventor of dynamite. As a scientist, he carried out researches on gunpowder, torpedoes and ammunitions. At last, he purchased the world famous arms and ammunition manufacturing company, ‘Bofors’.
Brother Blown Up
Nobel’s brother and four other persons died during his tests, sacrificed on the altar of dynamite. This human loss frustrated Nobel and he endowed a large portion of his property for public charity as ‘Nobel Prize’, by way of a possible expiation of his sins.
Fiscal Details
The capital of the ‘Nobel Trust’ was $8,311,000 (according to exchange rate at that time). It was willed that the capital shall remain intact and deposited in banks and the amount of interest accruing on it will be equally divided and distributed in the form of cash awards to worthy personages in the above-mentioned five fields. if only one person in one field is found deserving then the whole amount ear-marked for it will be paid to him. In case of more than one winning Person (not to exceed three in any case) the amount will be proportionately divided. Another condition is that in the event of a recipient refusing the award, his portion will be added to the capital. When calculated on this basis, the amount of interest which accrued for a single field in 1948 was $32,000 which increased to $210,000 in 1980.
Some Recent Recipients of Nobel Prize
Indian Hindu, Raman
About 100 individuals have already received this ‘Award of interest’ in the field of Physics alone. C.V. Raman, an Indian Hindu, was the lone recipient of this Nobel Award in Physics in 1930. Another Indian naturalized in America won it in 1983.
Bengali Poet Tagore
In the field of Literature, an Indian Bengali Hindu, Rabindra Nath Tagore got this Nobel Prize. Some persons from Japan and South America have also received the Nobel Prize in Literature in the Japanese and other Latin American languages.
Kissinger of USA & Mr. Tho of Vietnam
In the field of ‘Peace’, Henry Kissinger of America and Mr. Tho of Vietnam were adjudged as winners for 1973, but the latter refused for reason of his inviolable sense of honor. These two persons were selected for conducting negotiations for cease-fire in Vietnam.
Indian Teresa, Egyptian Sadaat & Isreali Begin
An Indian national, named Teresa, a celibate woman, was honored with the award of Nobel Peace ‘ Prize in 1979. Egypt’s former President, Anwer Sadaat and his contemporary Israeli Prime Minister Mr. Begin were also awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1978. The latter was honored because of his services in getting Israel formally recognized by Egypt.
Conclusions
Pieces of information, related above, lead to the following conclusions:
The Award is meant to preserve the memory of Mr. Nobel who taught the first “dynamic” lesson of destruction to man and is rightly considered the ‘Adam’ of ordnance factories the world over.
Cash awarded in the Prizes is pure ‘Interest Accrual’. Our holy Prophet, Muhammad(sallallaho alaihe wassallam) has accursed both the beneficiaries, he who gives and he who takes interest.
Our Holy Prophet (SAAW)’s Companion, Hazrat Jabir(RA), says: Allah’s Prophet(sallallaho alaihe wassallam) has accursed the person who takes interest, gives interest, writes interest bonds, witnesses interest transactions, and he said they are all equal (in sin). The holy Quran has declared interest as a challenge of war against Allah and His Prophet(sallallaho alaihe wassallam).
The Nobel Award is not any extraordinary event of human history. It is not of a super natural kind. Many countries, in public and private sectors, distribute different kinds of Prizes regularly. Nobel Prize is also of that category which some people get every year; Hindus of India and of Bengal got it; Jews and Christians of Israel, Europe and America got it; Christian preacher Teresa was honored with it (if the word, honor, is appropriate here). The Nobel award has been on-going for almost a century. Hundreds have been its recipients but has anyone heard that Jews, Christians, Hindus ever stormed the world in jubilation by saying that -“because our co-religionist has happened to get it, therefore our religion is most authentic” or that “the fact of our co-religionist’s receiving Nobel Prize proves truthfulness of our faith and its excellence over all others”!
And what more! The Prize awarded to Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani was shared by three scientists. He was a share-holder with two more in the field of Physics in 1979. Does not a greater credit go to that Hindu who received it alone, unshared in 1930, and in the same field of Physics? If the ‘shared’ Prize of a Qadiani is a proof of his religion’s truthfulness, then the Hindu religion of a Hindu who got ‘unshared’ Nobel Prize should deserve a greater cognizance and be deemed a greater proof of its truthfulness. Therefore, the incidence of Award to Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani is by no means a super-natural event but Qadiani hystero-maniacs, in the tradition of their sire, Ghulam Ahmed Qadiani, who himself suffered from this disease, trumpeted the award to be so.
It may be remembered that when recipients of Nobel Prize are selected, there are under currents of political and religious considerations. Those who are selected to receive them awards are also ushered in by these expedience. If one takes a cursory look at the list of hundreds of names of individuals who received the Nobel Prize during one hundred years one would find that the recipients are mostly Jews, Christians, idol-worshippers, apostates and so on. (Please see Annex.) For the Swedish Judges, Muslim are rarely born to have produced great works in fields of Medicine, Literature, Physics etc. Selection made by these judges of Sweden is peculiar in the sense that for them a Hindu, Rabindra Nath Tagore deserves Prize for his poetry in the Bengali language; a Japanese author on his performance in the Japanese language; and in Spanish/Portuguese, South American scholars for their master-pieces but no writer, poet or literati from the Pakistan-India subcontinent could catch their eyes. Why? Because they are Muslims. Take for instance, Allama Dr. Sir Muhammad Iqbal. The whole world resounds with his artistry in literary performance. Renowned professors of England have considered it an honor for themselves to translate his master works into the English language and ‘pundits’ of Europe wag heads in approbation. But he did not deserve the Nobel Prize, because he sang for Muslim renaissance! Likewise, no Arabic or Persian masterpiece during 100 years was worth the Nobel consideration. Only Europe languages bagged the Nobel Prize predominantly during the century. (Thanks heaven Arabic after all caught the attention of the Swedish judges, maybe due to the publication of this article a few years ago).
The Late Hakim Ajmal Khan was a wizard in the field of medicine. Dr. Salim-uz-Zaman’s scientific researches are well-known. But the Nobel recognition evades them. These are but a few ready instances otherwise who can list in names of many incomparable personages of the Islamic world of this century. For the Swedish judges, these persons did not possess the desired excellence and merit, but somehow Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani did. Good or bad, he is Qadiani and that stands for his excellence and merit. Actually, his only virtue is his enmity towards Islam and friendship with Jews. The Swedish ‘Daniels’ coming to judgment cherished this trait of Dr. Abdus Salam as par excellence and worthy of the Nobel Prize.

If Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani was really so capable a scientist why did he not produce atomic fission in Pakistan next day in reply to India’s in 1973. At that time, he was Atomic Energy Adviser to President of Pakistan. This was part of his official duty. It is claimed for him that he possesses expertise in Nuclear Atomic Physics. If this is so, then his dire incompetence (or Pakistan enmity) pushed Pakistan many years behind India. If Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani could have come up with his technical proficiency at a time when Indian scientists had demonstrated theirs, then Pakistan would not have gone begging for technology to the West. In that situation, no one from international political scene would have raised finger at Pakistan’s competence in atomic field. Had Pakistan also exploded the device at the time when India did, then Pakistan would have been internationally exonerated from any blame. The matter would have stood closed and settled.

But that did not happen. As a result, Dr. Abdus Salam’s incompetence, incapability and his Pakistan enmity ushered on us this day when the whole world is shouting against Pakistan’s peaceful atomic research program; so much so, that Americans, who are gullibly rated as well-wishers of Pakistan and friends, are asking Pakistan to desist from its researches. On the other hand is India who has fired up the entire world against Pakistan’s peaceful nuclear energy program. How wonderful! Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani has friendly terms with Indian Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi! What is the perimeter of Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani’s scientific know-how against this backdrop.? How far is he loyal to Pakistan?

Some conscientious persons with a sense of honor refused this Nobel Prize as a kind of bribe. But how could Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani refuse it? He was after it since long.
Story Behind The Award
Why was Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani awarded? The answer is provided in an interview with Dr. Abdul Qadeer, our renowned nuclear scientist.
Q: “What do you have to say for the Nobel Award which Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani has received”?

A: “That too has been awarded on the basis of motives. Dr. Abdus Salam had been trying to get a Nobel Prize since 1957. At last, on the hundredth birth anniversary of Einstein, the desired Prize was given to him. The fact is that Qadianis have a proper mission operating in Israel since long. Jews wanted to please some like-minded person on the occasion of Einstein’s anniversary and so Dr. Abdus Salam was favored”. (Weekly Chattan, Lahore, February 6,1986)

Dr. Abdul Qadeer’s above-quoted interview is a wise discernment. It is a sagacious hint in hushed tones that the Nobel Award is hinged with Qadiani-Jewish motives, secretly piled one over Another.

A Glimpse into Qadiani-Jewish Objectives
In Dr. Abdul Qadeer’s interview, there is one meaningful epithet. The epithet is “Like-minded”. Most appropriate, because the Qadianis are great allies of the Jewish/Zionist movement. They cooperate with each other in spitting out venomous propaganda against Muslims on an international base. Zionism is a sworn enemy of Islam since its inception. History testifies that they damaged the Islamic polity by motivating separatist movements. This time they have a protagonist in Qadianism and a ready mule to ride on. The award to Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani is in pursuance of a common cause of the antagonists of Islam.
Now, we shall examine those objectives which Qadianis, in their turn, have tried to extract from the bestowal of this interest-nurtured Award.

Objective No. 1: To Prove that Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani was a Prophet
“People of my Sect”
This award to Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani has been so vociferously celebrated that his personality is made to appear superhuman. Taking advantage of the blaze, Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani saw into it the opportunity to bamboozle the world to believe in the “prophetic” prediction of his spiritual sire, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani. In evidence, a quotation is reproduced below from Qadiani Daily, ‘Al-Fazl’, in its issue dated November 13, 1979:
“A Day Before The Award!”
“London. The address, delivered by Professor Dr. Abdus Salam, to Sunday School students in Mahmud Hall of Mosque of London organized by Jamaat-e-Ahmadiya of Britain, carried one distinctive feature, that is the respected Doctor sahib quoted this holy prophetic saying of hazrat I promised Masih’, peace be upon him. ‘People of my Sect’ will attain so much perfection in knowledge and wisdom that by their standards, arguments and splendor of truth they would shut the mouths of all.”
“News received from Allah”
“On this very occasion, Sheikh Mubarak Ahmad turned the attention of the audience to another prediction of hazrat promised Masih, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani, peace be upon him: the Sire had conveyed to his followers the good news received from Allah that they would reach such heights in knowledge and wisdom that the world will not be able to compete with them. This ceremony was held on October 14, 1979 and the next day i.e., on the 15th, the Award was announced for Professor Dr. Abdus Salam. Praise be to Allah, repeated Praise to Allah for this”.
“Salam’s birth result of Prediction”
In his booklet, entitled Dr. Abdus Salam, Mahmud Mujib Asghar Qadiani writes:
“His (Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani’s) birth has proved the magnificent prediction the news of which, the Founder of Jamaat Ahmadiya, Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani, peace be upon him, received from Allah and had announced eighty years earlier that: ‘People of my sect will attain so much perfection in knowledge and wisdom that by their standards, arguments and splendor of truth they would shut the mouths of all’.”
“Allah accepted prayers for bestowal of Award”
Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani referred to this prediction himself in his address to the Annual Qadiani Meet in 1979 and said:
“I am filled with praise and glory to that holy Being Who accepted regular and continuous prayers of my present Imam, my parents and my friends of the Jamaat, thereby gladdening the hearts in the Islamic world and Pakistan”. (Qadiani newspaper Al-Fazl, Rabwah, Dated December 31, 1979).
Comments
It is in this manner that Qadianis have carried on an unending propaganda for the ‘interest accrued award’ and have presented it in colors of a miraculous event of human history. Simpletons have been made to believe in it. But anybody with commonsense knows that such profane ‘interest’-based matters have absolutely nothing to do with the divine missions of the holy Prophets of Allah. How can a commonplace object which is available to a Jew, a Christian, a Hindu, a Buddhist, a sweeper or a cobbler, can be a matter of distinction for a Prophet or his Ummah? On the other hand, it may be said most appropriately that boasting of winning fame and wealth from an accursed thing like ‘interest’ is an additional proof of the lies and falsehoods of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani and his pack.
Objective No. 2: To Prove that Qadianis are Muslims
Non-Qadianis akin to ‘Sweepers and Cobblers’
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani had predicted: “Those who will keep outside (of Qadiani Jamaat) shall have no status. Their position will be that of sweepers and cobblers”.
Mirza Mahmud Ahmad Qadiani elucidated this statement. According to his opening address in the Annual Meet in 1932, reproduced in newspaper ‘Al-Fazl’ Qadian, Volume 2, Number 9, Dated Jan. 29, 1933, (Ref. ‘Qadiani Mazhab’ fifth print, P. 758), Mirza Mahmud Qadiani said:

“The above passage means that the sapling of Ahmadiyat, looking weak today, will become such an enormous tree one day that the nations of the world will get rest underneath. And Jamaat Ahmadiya which appears ordinary and humble today shall get so much vigor and importance that reins of religions, cultures, civilizations and politics of the whole world shall be in its hands. It shall have every type of authority. By its influence and access it shall be the most revered Organization of the world. A large part of the world will enter into its fold. But those who by their bad luck would keep themselves aloof shall become characterless with no value or worth in society. In religious, cultural and political circles their call shall be as for as the present day ineffective and uncared clamors of sweepers and cobblers.”
Pakistan National Assembly’s Bold Step
The National Assembly of Pakistan having legally declared the Qadianis a non-Muslim minority on Sept. 7, 1974, expelled them from the Muslim religion and entered their name in the list of non-Muslim inhabitants of the country. This legal decree is a mortal blow for them and has successfully killed their infectious germs from blossoming.
Comments
The entire Islamic Ummah, in view of Qadianis’ heretic beliefs and their destructive motives against Islam, considered them renegades and out-casts, like ‘Musailamah Kazzab’ in the times of Allah’s Prophet(sallallaho alaihe wassallam). Moreover, the prediction of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani that “those who will keep outside (of Qadiani Jamaat) shall have no status; their position will be that of sweepers and cobblers”, has been disproved word by word. In Pakistan Constitution, names of both the organizations, i.e. Qadianis and Lahoris, have been entered below the category of Scheduled Casts, i.e., after the serial of sweepers and cobblers!
Objective No. 3: To Deceive the World that Qadianism has Glorified Islam
Abdus Salam Qadiani as a ‘Muslim” Scientist!
The Qadiani-Jewish lobby was trying to obliterate the black spot of Kufr from the Qadiani forehead for a long time and was making an effort to graft back that rotten portion which had been cut and thrown out from the Islamic body. For this purpose, the aforesaid lobby used Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani to show to the world that he was a “Muslim” scientist.
Qadianism as “Real Islam”
The following words of Qadiani newspaper, ‘Al-Fazl’, Rabwah, are noteworthy in this context: (November 13, 1979).
“Scientist Dr. Abdus Salam Sahib, the dutiful glorious son of Islamic world and its devoted votary who is prepared to lay his life for Ahmadiyat which is real Islam has said: ‘the only way to regain the lost Islamic magnificence in scientific technology is for our Ahmadi youth to come forward to gain perfection in these fields’. The respected Dr. Salam said that our Organization is out to revive Islam. Therefore, we should forge ahead in scientific knowledge besides other fields and attain perfection, thereby restore the lost Islamic greatness”.
‘I am first Muslim Scientist’
Pakistan National Assembly called its special session on Dec. 18, 1979, in which President General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq conferred Doctorate on Abdus Salam Qadiani on behalf of Quaid-e-Azam University in recognition of Nobel Prize Award. Speaking on this occasion Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani said: “I am the first Muslim scientist to be awarded the Nobel Prize”.
After this, the Qadianis ceaselessly started chanting Abdus Salam Qadiani as the “first Muslim scientist”. The object of this propaganda was evident. That in case Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani was admitted as a Muslim then all other Qadianis by the same analogy would be considered Muslims.

Arab Brethren Deceived
This propaganda resulted in our Arab brethren and Muslims’ taking Dr. Abdus Salam as a Muslim because they were not aware of his religion and beliefs. Hence it was under this misunderstanding-that Shah Hassan of Morocco issued a lengthy Royal decree in which Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani was accepted as a member of Moroccan National Academy with a tribute to him in these words:
“Your success has emblazoned Islamic civilization and thought”. (From Daily, ‘Al-Fazl’, June 29, 1980).
Under the same misunderstanding, Prince Muhammad Bin Faisal of Saudi Arabia cabled his congratulatory message:
“Nobel Award for Dr. Salam delighted Muslims and we are very pleased”. (From Weekly ‘Lahore’, Nov. 18, 1979).
Muslims of other countries also deceived
In January 1986, the fortnightly magazine Tahzeeb-ul-Akhlaq of Muslim University, Aligarh, India, brought out its ‘Abdus Salam Number’ in which Prof. Nasim Ansari produced the translation of an article in English written by Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani under the heading ‘Islam aur Science’. In his introductory words, Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani says:
“I start with the affirmation that my beliefs and actions are based on Islam. For this reason, I am a Muslim and I believe in Quran Kareem”. (Page 11).
In this magazine is included another article, ‘Abdus Salam-a Learned Scientist’ written by Prof. I. Ahmad (probably a Qadiani) in which he writes:
“He has a firm belief in the truthfulness of his Islamic religion and follows its directives meticulously”.
Also in this issue is a translation by Dr. Al Hassan of a speech by Prof. John Nariman (this gentleman appears to be a Jew) which reads:
‘Abdus Salam believes in Deen Islam and he has dedicated his life to the concept of unity”. (Page 37).
Comments
These are a few instances from numerous writings in which an effort has been made to grant a testimonial of Islam to Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani with the intent of deceiving Muslims. In other words, the Qadiani-Jewish lobby, by means of this award, has conspired to get Qadianism passed on as Islam and Islam as Qadianism.
Objective No. 4: To Fleece Oil Rich Muslim Countries by Slogan of Islamic Foundation to Propagate Qadianism
Slogan of Islamic Foundation
Having armed himself with the certificate of Islam, Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani toured Islamic countries where he raised the slogan of ‘Islamic Science Foundation’ in order to show the Islamic nations that he was the greatest well-wisher of Muslims in the world. Obviously, this slogan caught the attention of Islamic countries who fell into this net.
Islamic Summit at Jeddah
The Daily ‘Nawa-i-Waqt’ in its editorial note dated Nov. 18, 1979, writes:
“It was in 1973, that a Pakistani scientist Dr. Abdus Salam put forth a proposal that all Muslim countries should join hands in setting up an Islamic Science Foundation. In pursuance of this proposal, a conference was held last week in Jeddah in which it was finally decided to set up such an Organization. It was in 1974 itself that Islamic Summit Conference had formally accepted Dr. Abdus Salam’s proposal, but the actual decision to establish such a Foundation was now made at Jeddah. The Jeddah Conference which agreed to give practical shape to this proposal was also attended by Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani. Scientists from Muslim countries gathered there congratulated him and hailed him as a person of honor for the Islamic world.”
Qadiani Kafir entered Holy Hejaz
Qadianis are prohibited from entering Saudi Arabia but the jugglery of Islamic Science Foundation made that possible for Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani. He was afforded a reception at Jeddah. He played the bridegroom there and was hailed as the true pride of the Islamic world.
Wit stands scorched from amazement
What marvelous foolishness is this! (Translation of poetry)
This is the height of cunningness of enemies of Islam and the self-forgetfulness of Muslims that a session of Muslim Science Foundation was managed to he held in the city of Jeddah on the select land of Holy Hejaz by a non-Muslim Qadiani, acknowledged as a Kafir-apostate. By the fact of his entry into Hejaz, Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani has rudely made faces at the Law of Saudi Arabia which bans entries of Qadianis and visa is prohibited for them.
Thanks heaven that Dr. Abdus Salam did not arrange the conference in Makkah/Madinah, Haramain Sharifain, else the unholy hoof would have desecrated that soil which would have amounted to a slap on the face of the Islamic world. How far are nets of Qadiani-Jewish conspiracy outspread! And how they achieve their ends by making a fool of Muslims!

One Billion Dollars, The Target
When Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani was so favorably received in the holy land of Hejaz he took the opportunity to repeat his demands louder. This resulted in his getting sanctioned an amount of 50 million dollars from the Muslim countries.
Qadiani newspaper, ‘Al-Fazl’, Rabwah, published an interview of Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani in which a question was put to him:

Q: What do you have to say about the ‘Science Foundation’ established by Islamic Conference?
A: “A step in the right direction, I am indeed happy. But my original proposal was better than the present decision. I had prevailed upon Mr. Bhutto in 1974 to establish a Foundation with a capital of one billion dollars and the Summit Conference had agreed upon it, but nothing happened after that. Then in 1981, General Zia-ul-Haq agreed to raise this issue in the Summit at Taif. The ‘Foundation’ was established but the proposed capital was reduced to only 50 million dollars. I have now learnt that the actual amount received so far by the ‘Foundation’ is only 6 million dollars. You would agree with me that Muslim governments can give more than that”. (Daily ‘Al-Fazl’, Rabwah, Oct. 8,1984).
Six Million Dollars Netted
Having received this sum, Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani still complained of apathy of Muslim countries and voiced his disappointment. The Daily ‘Jung’, London, reported as follows:
“Nobel awarded Pakistani scientist Dr. Abdus Salam to establish Science Foundation. Islamic Conference approves fifty million dollars instead of one billion.
“Jeddah (Jung, Foreign Desk): The Nobel Prize winner, Pakistani scientist Dr. Abdus Salam will establish a ‘Foundation’ for the progress of science in Islamic countries to enable their competent scientists to increase their technological skill.”
“In an Interview to ‘Gulf Times’, Dr. Abdus Salam said, ‘Solid measures have not been undertaken so far for the progress of scientific knowledge in Islamic countries’. Dr. Salam has established an international center of Organic Physics in Italy of which he is a Director. One thousand students study Physics in this center. International Atomic Institute and UNESCO have extended their cooperation to this center. Doctor said that the ‘Foundation’ shall be non-political and the scientists of Muslim countries shall manage it. Later on, it will be attached to the Islamic Conference Organization. However, Dr. Salam regretted that against his original proposal of a capital of one billion dollars the Islamic Conference only approved fifty million”. (Jung London, August 8, 1985).
Crocodile Tears
The Daily ‘Nawae Waqt’, Karachi, in its publication dated August 11, 1985, reported as under:
“Doctor Abdus Salam facing financial problems in establishment of Islamic Physics Foundation. New York, August 10, (APP): Nobel Prize winner, Doctor Abdus Salam has said that Islamic countries are keeping themselves aloof from international scientific technology and are unaware of the means necessary for scientific progress. He said he wanted to establish a ‘Foundation’ for the progress of science. Islamic Conference sources have confirmed that the Conference has approved fifty million dollars, instead of one billion, while six million has already been released in one year. Dr. Abdus Salam appeared dejected over this issue!”
The idea behind shedding these crocodile tears was to put Muslim countries to shame and to goad them on to supply him more money.
Rich Sheikhdom Kuwait Trapped
As a result of the aforesaid treacherous drum beating, Kuwait fell into the bag of the Qadiani Doctor!
A report from the weekly Qadiani newspaper, ‘Lahore’, in its issue of August 2, 1986, says:
“Dr. Abdus Salam has emphasized on the oil producing countries of the Middle East to establish a Science Foundation for the progress of scientific knowledge in the area. He advised that initially one billion dollars should be spent on the formation of this Foundation which will help Muslim students to pursue study of science… Renowned and distinguished scientists of Islamic world will work in this ‘Foundation’…. Dr. Abdus Salam praised the role of Kuwait in its attempt to develop scientific knowledge in Islamic world. He said Kuwait Science Foundation and Kuwait University have provided him funds very generously.”
Comments
Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani takes six million dollars (Rs.15 crore) from oil rich countries in the initial stage and gulps it down. Immensely pleased he is that a large sum has been received, unshared, to convert Muslim youth into Qadianis. A knave puts oil rich countries to shame by mounting against them an unceasing propaganda of their coldness, apathy and inattention and then softly repeats his desired target of one billion dollars.
Readers must have come across many cases where poor Muslim families have been enticed to Qadianism by tempting them with cash, women, education, and medicine. If one family can be bought over of its faith, by say Rs.10,000/- how many indigent families must have been filched of their faith by this huge sum of six million dollars!

Shame upon shame …. Muslims are becoming Kafirs on funds provided by Muslims! And what more! Muslim tongues are rolling out praises of Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani!

Advantaged to Qadianis by Establishing a Science Foundation
Before enumerating these advantages, it is necessary to lay out two noteworthy points which shall open the eyes of those Muslims who are not aware of the ingrained enmity of Qadiani religion towards Islam.
Qadianis Spies of Hostile Powers
In the tradition of their sire, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani, Qadianis keep secret watch over Muslims on behalf of hostile powers and act as their mercenaries.
Muslims are generally unaware of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani’s treachery against Islam when he carried out espionage against Muslims to serve his British masters. This man secretly transmitted to British Government particulars embodying political secrets against those freedom loving Muslims who burned with the desire of emancipation of their homeland from the clutches of Britain.

From the second volume (pp.227-228) of the Collection of Notifications published by Qadianis from their Rabwah Center, the text of Notification No. 145 reads:

“For Attention of the Government from Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, Qadian, Superintendent of Proceedings for Proposal of Observing Holiday on Friday.
‘WHEREAS, it is expedient to make a list of names of such stupid Muslims who consider British India a country of enemies of Islam against whom Islamic Shariat enjoins war and therefore such rebellious Muslims hide mutiny in their hearts;
‘WHEREAS, they deny the obligatory nature of Friday due to the sickness of their soul and avoid observing holiday on that day;
‘WHEREAS, it is proposed to lay out a format, specimen below, in which names of such ungrateful persons should be preserved for all times; although by good luck of British India such Muslim mutineers as are hiding rebellion in their hearts are few;
‘WHEREAS, it is a most opportune time to identify such insurgents as are having secret designs against the Government;
‘WHEREAS, we are moved by the political well-wishing of our generous Government to make a list of names of these wicked men who by their beliefs prove their seditious nature; and
“WHEREAS, it is easy to identify such persons on the occasion of observing Fridays as holidays; such a person who through his ignorance and stupidity regards British India as Darul Harab will certainly object to observing Friday as a holiday;
‘WE RESOLVE, to inform the Government, in all our humility, that such lists of names shall remain in our custody as “Political Secrets” till such time that the Government demands it from us. We fully trust that our sagacious Government shall keep these statements in their offices treating them as a “National Secret”. At the moment these statements are submitted without any names. Only a format is provided which obviously contains no names except the subject matter as follows:

‘THE FORMAT’
Serial Number
Name with
Title and Post
Residence
District
Remarks
Printer: Zia-ul-Islam Qadiani

(This Notification with Format extends to four pages. Collection of Advertisements, vol. 2 pp.227-228)
Comments
One can easily see from the above that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was collecting particulars of Muslim freedom fighters and his Qadiani team was working on it under his supervision. Lists of freedom lovers were regularly made and sent to Secret Information Department of the British Government. In this way, political secrets of Muslims were passed on to the ‘white masters’ of Qadianis. Since that day to this, the Qadiani creed has been performing this abominable duty of espionage against Muslims. Their modus operandi is to mix freely with Muslims as their well-wisher then inwardly pass on their secrets to enemies of Islam and to the hostile powers.
Hostility towards Islam and hatred towards Muslim Ummah forms the bed-rock of intimate attachment between Qadianis and Jews. No religious mission of the world is permitted to propagate in Israel except the Qadiani mission which works with full cooperation and trust extended to it by its Israeli Patriarchs.

Qadianis, Traitors of Islam
Allama Dr. Iqbal, (may his soul rest in peace), wrote in a letter addressed to Pundit Jawahar Lal Nehru, later Prime Minister of India:
“Qadianis are traitors both of Islam and the country”.
This analysis of Allama lqbal was the sum total of his many years’ experiences. In one short sentence, he abridged the whole situation, brief and to the point. Anybody having the time at his disposal to study Qadiani mentality and having come across them in general must come to conclude that they are traitors of Islam, traitors of Muslims and traitors of Muslim countries. Just as no Muslim could ever believe in a Jew in his sincerity for an Islamic cause, similarly no Muslim could evermore believe in a Qadiani to be a well-wisher of Islamic millat.
To continue, the advantages accruing to the Qadianis by establishing the Islamic Science Foundation are enumerated below:
Advantage No. 1
By establishment of Islamic Science Foundation the great advantage which accrued to Qadianis is that all the scientific institutes of Muslim countries, from Pakistan to Morocco, fell under the Qadiani Doctor. No Muslim secret will now remain secret. Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani will follow the ‘Sunnat’ of his sire, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani, and shall easily pass on reports of Muslim Countries and their atomic technological progress to enemies of Islam and in the tradition of his Sire, he will have no difficulty in spying over the Muslim countries.
Advantage No. 2
By establishment of Islamic Science Foundation, Qadianis posing as Muslims shall hold high and sensitive appointments in Muslim countries, including Pakistan and Arab countries.
To give an. instance, when some Islamic countries attempted to improve on their atomic know-how for peaceful purposes, the Western world and Zionism viewed this step with furious concern. Everyone is aware–of–Israel’s attack on Iraqi atomic installations and threats of destruction to Pakistani atomic centers. Also are known the Jewish attempts to poison the international forums against Pakistan.

For spying over scientific advancement in Islamic countries the best mode lay in having the slogan of Islamic Science Foundation raised by a man who is deceitfully a Muslim but actually an ally and confidant of Jews. Who could match Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani to raise the slogan, as after the Nobel Prize he wore the mantle of a well-wisher and hero of Islam? In this way this Qadiani Doctor assumed supreme authority over the Islamic Science Foundation.

Advantage No. 3
Another advantage that shall accrue to Dr. Abdus Salam with the establishment of the Foundation is his hobnobbing in Islamic countries’ Scientific Institutes to get young Qadianis employed there. The same situation should repeat as did at the time of Zafarullah Qadiani. As Pakistan’s Foreign Minister, he made Pakistani embassies over-flowing with Qadianis, gave them jobs and enticed the jobless Muslim youth to become converts. Apparently, Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani has taken over from Zafarullah Qadiani to sit on a high cushion provided by the Islamic nations.
Qadiani youth, henceforth, will obtain lucrative posts in Scientific Institutes in the Muslim world and poor unemployed Muslims shall be snared into Qadianism. Not only that, if any jewel of a Muslim did make a debut in science and technology it shall be easy for Dr. Abdus Salam to oust him as ‘undesirable’. Has this not actually happened in Pakistan?

It is common knowledge in Pakistan that some individuals who possessed no merit except that they were Qadianis carried on with their jobs in Scientific Institutes despite their retirement age and were provided extensions. Contrary to this, first-rate Muslim scientists were pushed into oblivion as ‘undesirable’ by Dr. Abdus Salam’s standard. Reference in this respect can be made to the weekly, ‘Chatan’, Lahore, dated 6/13 Jan. 1986, for details of these heart-rending cases.

Advantage No. 4
This Foundation shall become a vehicle for preaching Qadiani religion. How will it be done?
Mirza Nasir Ahmad, the previous head of Qadianis, in his press conference, on 14th August 1980, covered by the Irish newspaper, The Irish Sunday World in its issue of Aug. 17, 1980, declared:

“The Ahmadiya movement is making preparations to get Ireland into Muslim fold. The important pillars of this Organization are Sir Zafarullah Khan, the former Foreign Minister of Pakistan, the former President of the United Nations and the former President of the International Court of Justice, and Professor Abdus Salam who recently received “Nobel Award in Physics”. (Qadiani newspaper, ‘Al-Fazl’, Rabwah, dated Oct. 26, 1980).
Qadianis take pride in Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani that he preaches his religion wherever he goes. Mujib Asghar Qadiani writes on page 56 of his booklet, ‘Dr. Abdus Salam’:
“He placed his ‘Deen’ (of Qadianism) always above the world. He carried the message of ‘Ahmadiyat’ to world scientists and prominent people. When he went to Sweden to receive the Nobel Award he handed over to King of Sweden a copy of Holy Quran (Qadiani translation) and also English translations of Extracts of Writings of Hazrat Promised Masih (Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani). Similarly he gave (Qadiani) literature to Shah Hassan in Morocco”.
Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani has set up a Scientific Institute in Italy. Through this Institute, he takes to propagation of Qadianism. This is revealed in Qadiani monthly magazine, Tehrik-e-Jadeed, Rabwah, for Oct. 1985, on page 7. It carries a tour report on Italy by the present head of the Qadianis, Mirza Tahir Ahmad Qadiani:
“The respected sire (Mirza Tahir) was pleased to say that representatives of the Qadiani Jamaat were previously also sent to introduce the Qadiani Jamaat to (people of) Italy, but this time a meeting was arranged there through Dr. Abdus Salam which was attended by many dignitaries who had no previous introduction to Ahmadiyat. Their attendance was beyond expectations. Television representatives were also present.”
Qadianis are proclaiming that the Fifteenth Hijra shall be the century for predominance of real Islam (Qadianism) and. this will be possible through supremacy in science. The following extract, from Qadiani newspaper, ‘Al-Fazl’, Rabwah, dated Nov. 13, 1979, mentioned earlier, is repeated:
“Scientist Dr. Abdus -Salam Sahib, the dutiful glorious son of Islamic world and the devoted votary who is prepared to lay down his life for Ahmadiyat which is real Islam, has said:
‘The only way to regain the lost Islamic magnificence in scientific technology is for our Ahmadi youth to come forward to gain perfection in these fields.’
The respected Doctor Sahib said that our Organization is out to revive Islam. Therefore, we should forge ahead in scientific knowledge besides other fields and attain perfection, thereby restore the lost Islamic greatness”.
Comments
How the Qadianis are cashing in the Nobel Prize to Dr. Abdus Salam by propagating the Qadiani religion and propping up the Doctor as the noble scion of Ahmadiyat is evident from the following quotes relating to him:
1.”The Important pillar of Ahmadiya Movement” – Mirza Nasir Ahmad, Previous Head of Qadianis.
2.”Meeting arranged in Italy through Abdus Salam for Ahmadiyat’ – Mirza Tahir Ahmad, Present Head.
3.”Abdus Salam carried the message of Ahmadiyat to world scientists” – Mujeeb Asghar.
4.”Abdus Salam gave Qadiani literature to Shah Hassan of Morocco” – Mujeeb Asghar.
5.’Abdus Salam – Devoted votary to lay down his life for Ahmadiyat” – ‘Al-Fazl’.
6.”Our Ahmadi youth to come forward: only way” – Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani.
In the light of the above, are any more proofs needed to prove the knavery? Is there any doubt left that funds which Islamic countries have provided or are going to provide in the future on Dr. Abdus Salam’s call, will not be spent on propagation of Qadianism? Is it not his cardinal motive to preach Qadianism on Arab money? Will not Muslim young men be injected with a Qadiani injection?
Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani and Pakistan
Tolerance Thy Name Ignorance
There are many Muslims in Pakistan who believe in toleration towards Qadianis and a show of broad-mindedness for Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani. Their reasoning is that he is a Pakistani after all and his religious beliefs should be ignored because as a recipient of Nobel Award he brought honor to Pakistan and Pakistanis.
In pursuance of this logic, a renowned political figure of Pakistan expressed his views in a column of Daily Newspaper ‘Jung’, on May 14, 1981, under caption ‘Mushahidat’. He wrote:

“Nobel Award recipient, Pakistani Scientist, Dr. Abdus Salam also happened to be in Amman those days. On a breakfast invitation, once we came across each other. I had had occasions to hear him earlier in Cabinet meetings while presenting his case.
At that time, he was working for Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission. An extremely competent and learned person, he is well-mannered and complaisant. Let whatever be his track, but by Pakistani affinity we should obviously be pleased at the worldwide recognition he received for his scientific prowess. Knowledge is knowledge. Neither can it be struck with the stamp of any religious dogma nor by its source whether Eastern or Western. Knowledge is a common heritage, shared by entire humanity like air and light of the cosmos.”
Letter of a Simpleton
A letter was published on page 4, in the Qadiani weekly, ‘Lahore,’ dated Nov. 11, 1979. The writer calls himself a simple Muslim but has given evidence of. being a simpleton. An extract of his letter is translated below:
“Pakistan’s Dignity Rolled into Dust by Illiterate Maulvis Hostile to Science.
Dr. Abdus Salam’s sentimental attachment to any dogma is none of my concern. What I say is only this much that he got a Nobel Prize in Physics and as a result bestowed honor upon Pakistan on international level. President Zia ul Haq sent him a congratulatory message. Our radio and television mentioned him frequently that he is the first Muslim to have received an international compliment.
What pains me is this: Who has instigated the imams of official mosques that they are putting Pakistan into disgrace by throwing mud on Dr. Abdus Salam’s personality, although they are on government pay-roll.

On the occasion of Eid ul Azha, the Pesh-Imam of Islamabad’s central mosque, popularly known as ‘Lal Masjid’, which is under the management of Ministry of Religious Affairs, passed indecent remarks against the person of Dr. Abdus Salam in ‘his pre-prayer speech’. How were his comments related to Sunnat-e-Ibrahim? What virtue was rewarded to his listeners? I do not know.

The Pesh-Imam (probably his name is Maulana Abdullah) said in his rhetoric zeal….. Because Abdus Salam is Mirzai Qadiani, he is Kafir. He has been given Nobel Award only because he has smuggled some important secrets of Pakistan to Jews.

It is now up to the Government to inquire from this employee of Grade 17 as to wherefrom he got this information that Dr. Abdus Salam got Nobel Prize in lieu of his having smuggled national secrets.

Shocking, that illiterate Maulvis are rolling Pakistan’s dignity into dust in their hostility towards scientific technology, while, standing on prophetic pulpit. They get away with it and are not taken to task.

After all, there was a sizable number of members of foreign missions and diplomats present in that congregation.

If this religious decree of Maulvis that Dr. Abdus Salam is a Kafir is accepted, even then the Moulvis should realize that that kafir is a Pakistani, first and last, and his honor is Pakistan’s honor”.

Dismissal Orders
No doubt Dr. Abdus Salam is a Pakistani national, but what patriotic regard this son of the soil has for his homeland can be seen from the following incident:
The story goes back to days when he was Scientific Adviser to the President during the regimes of Yahya Ehan and Bhutto. No sooner did Pakistan National Assembly legally declare Qadianis as Non-Muslims in 1974, than he left Pakistan to sit in London, in protest. Then it so happened that some time later Bhutto sent him an invitation to come to Pakistan to attend a Science Conference. He spurned the invitation with undignified remarks. The weekly newspaper, ‘Chatan’, Lahore, in its issue dated 22nd June, 1986, reported the following:
“A Science Conference was going to be held in Bhutto’s times. Invitation was sent to Dr. Abdus Salam to attend. This happened after the National Assembly had constitutionally declared Qadianis as Non-Muslims. As the invitation reached Dr. Salam, he sent it back to the Prime Minister’s Secretariat with these remarks:
‘I do not want to step on this accursed country unless the Constitutional Amendment is withdrawn’.
“Bhutto, having read these remark, turned livid with rage and wrote immediately to the Secretary, Establishment Division, to remove Dr. Salam from Advisership and issue dismissal Notification forthwith. Waqar Ahmad was Secretary, Establishment Division, at that time. Instead of putting this order into action, he slipped it quietly into his personal custody. The entire proceedings stood lost. Why? Waqar Ahmad was also a Qadiani. How could he preserve such an important document on files”.
Mirza Tahir, head of Qadianis Flees from Pakistan
In April 1984, President General Muhammad Zia ul Haq issued Prohibitory Qadiani Ordinance whereby Qadianis were prohibited from calling themselves Muslims and practicing Muslim rites. The fraud had to be stopped. Having seen the promulgation of the Ordinance, their so-called brave Khalifa of Qadianis, fled away to London, under cover of darkness of night. On reaching there, he named his residential quarters as “Islamabad”, in confrontation to Pakistan’s capital, Islamabad.
Honking from His Manger
Sitting in his counterfeit Islamabad, Mirza Tahir is now blowing bugles of war, calling Pakistan his enemy. He is advising Qadianis to ignite Pakistan’s peace into flames.
Below is quoted some rattle prattle, reproduced from a two-monthly Qadiani magazine, named ‘Mishkat’ which is printed from Qadian (India). Under the caption, ‘Message of the Imam to the (Qadiani) Jamaat’ it carries a message to his followers. Some of his diatribes are translated below:

“The battle-field in which our enemy has pushed us appears to be the last ditch for him and, God willing, our enemies shall be very badly defeated”. (Page: 7)
“This is the most important and decisive position of our war with the enemy”. (Page: 7)
“This is that last post where the enemy has already reached”. (Page: 7)
“The whole (Qadiani) Jamaat should join in this war with electric speed”. (Page: 8)
“This is a bugle of war which has been brown. Its sound must be amplified and this call carried to every comer of the world”. (Page: 8)
‘And war-lords of Islamabad (Pakistan) should be driven back, helpless, by resonance of this roar”. (Page: 8)
“Hence this filthy movement which is flowing from President Zia-ul-Haq’s womb he is responsible in this world and the next too on Resurrection Day; no power on earth will save him; no power of religion will rescue him; because he has attacked eminence and glory of God; because he has stormed the sanctity of sacred name of Muhammad Mustafa”. (Page 13)
The Missing ‘Predicate’
Readers should excuse Mirza Tahir for the grammatical misconstruction in the above sentence. In the heat of his emotional loquacity he forgot the rules of grammar and lost thread of the ‘predicate’, after starting the sentence with the ‘subject’, ‘this filthy movement,’ the predicate to this sentence is missing.
We shall now provide this missing predicate to our readers:

1.After having been constitutionally declared as Non-Muslims, the Qadianis were restrained in April, 1984, from using the holy word of Islam anywhere in any form or calling themselves Muslims. To defeat this legal provision they inscribed Kalimah Tayyiba on their places of worship, wrote it out on houses, shops, transports and displayed it even on their chests. This Qadiani trickery which mounted to defeat of law led to an objection from the Muslims.
2.Qadianis’ places of worship, being obvious centers of heresy and apostasy, are outright filthy. Then to wear Kalimah Tayyiba on chests, filled with anti-Islamic venom, is a disgrace of the holy Kalimah. It amounts to (Allah forbid) writing or hanging Kalimah Tayyiba on latrines. If a person is caught doing so he will be punished. To efface the letters of Kalimah Tayyiba from dunghills is no disgrace to it but a commendable act.

Ghulam Ahmad’s Claim that he is Muhammad incarnate
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani claimed to be the reincarnation of Muhammad Mustafa(sallallaho alaihe wassallam) and that the noble Prophet(sallallaho alaihe wassallam) had a second janam (birth) in the form of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad at Qadian. In his book, Ek Ghalati Ka Izalah, (3rd Edition, Rabwah), on Page. 4, Mirza quotes the Quranic verse:
(Translation)
“Muhammad is the messenger of Allah. And those with him are stern against the unbelievers and merciful among themselves’. (Quran, Al-Fath: 29) and says, ‘In this wahi (revelation) I have been named Muhammad and I have also been made Prophet”. Allah forbid!
As a result of this absurd claim, whenever Qadianis recite the Islamic Kalimah, they imagine, Allah forbid, Ghulam Ahmad in their minds as Rasul Allah.
The Lahori branch of Qadianis posed a question to their Headquarters:
“If Mirza was a prophet, why do you not recite his name in the Kalimah”?
Reply to this question came from Mirza Bashir Ahmad Qadiani:
“The reason why the name of Muhammad ur Rasool Allah has been included in Kalimah Tayyiba is that he is the head crown and Seal of all the prophets. By including his name, all Prophets fall into it automatically. Therefore, it is not necessary to include the names of the prophets individually. However, as a result of the birth of the promised Masih (the Qadiani Mirza) a difference has cropped up (in the meaning of the Kalimah). Before the birth of the promised Masih (the Qadiani Mirza) in the world as a prophet, the words “Muhammad ur Rasul Allah” included in their meaning only such prophets as had preceded him, but after the incarnation of the promised Masih (the Qadiani Mirza) in the world as a prophet, one more prophet has been added to the meaning of “Muhammad ur Rasul Allah”. Therefore, on account of the incarnation of the promised Masih, Allah forbid, the Kalimah does not become abolished; it rather shines more brightly. (Because Mirza Qadiani, the prophet of higher rank, has entered the meaning of Kalimah! Ha, without Mirza, this Kalimah remained meaningless, useless and false! That is why those who recite this Kalimah without including therein Mirza are ‘Kafir’, rather ‘pakka Kafir’! – Compiler). In short, the same Kalimah is (effective) even now for embracing Islam, with the only difference that the incarnation of the promised Masih (Mirza Qadiani) has added one more prophet to the meaning of “Muhammad ur Rasul Allah”. That’s all.
Moreover, even if we accept by supposing the impossible that the sacred name of the gracious Prophet(S) has been included in the sacred Kalimah because he is the last of the Prophets, even then there is no harm and we do not need a new Kalimah because the promised Masih is not a separate entity from the gracious Prophet as he (Mirza) himself says: “My being is exactly the being of ‘Muhammad ur Rasul Allah’, One who discriminates between me and Mustafa has neither recognized me nor seen me”. And the reason for this is Allah Almighty’s promise that He would reincarnate “Khatam un Nabieen” in this world once more as a prophet as is evident from the verse, “And others of them…” ‘Thus the promised Masih (the Mirza of Qadian) is himself Muhammad ur Rasul Allah, who has been incarnated in the world again to spread Islam. We do not, therefore, need any new Kalimah. Albeit, a new Kalimah would have been necessary, if some other person had been reincarnated instead of Muhammad ur Rasul Allah”.
(Kalimatul Fasl, page 158, by Mirza Bashir Ahmad Qadiani Review of Religions, Qadian, -April, 1915).
Qadiani Kufr
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani claimed, in total absurdity that Allah made him “Muhammad ur Rasul Allah”. And the Qadianis:
1.hold firm belief in this ‘Kufria’ heretic claim;
2.include Mirza Ghulam Ahmad in the meaning of Kalimah Tayyiba; and

3.mean Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani when they say Muhammad ur Rasool Allah.

In the light of the the above Kufr, if Qadianis wear badges of Kalimah Tayyiba on their person, then anybody with a little commonsense will consider them guilty of insulting the holy Prophet himself(sallallaho alaihe wassallam).
Qadiani Hypocrisy
It is well-known that the Holy Prophet(sallallaho alaihe wassallam) ordered the burning up and demolition of Mosque Zirar and turning it into a dungheap because it was constructed by the Hypocrites. If his order was correct (and it was thoroughly correct by all means), then how can the demand of Muslims to demolish places of worship of Qadiani hypocrites or convert them into dungheaps can be wrong, when these are constructed on the pattern of a Muslim mosque with Kalimah on it? However for the present our demand is that Kalimah should not be written on these ‘Zirar’ prototypes. How can this demand be deemed as unjust?
In short, the Kufr and hypocrisy of Qadianis were playing havoc in Pakistan and they had to be incapacitated to play any more frauds. They cannot insult the Kalimah any more by inscribing it on their buildings and cannot put the holy name of the Prophet(sallallaho alaihe wassallam) into disgrace and dishonor. Muslims, now aware of Qadianis’ profane anti-Islamic and anti-state beliefs cannot tolerate their nefarious activities. Readers may recall that Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani called the land of Pakistan as an ‘accursed country’. (Allah protect us).

Qadiani Threats
The spiritual sire of Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani, Mirza Tahir Qadiani, is sounding war trumpet and is threatening. Pakistan with warlike conditions of Afghanistan when he says:
“If oppression continues in this region, then conditions similar to those in Afghanistan can arise here too”. (Qadiani Weekly, Lahore, Page 13, Dated April 20, 1985).
Not content with this veiled threat Mirza Tahir has the audacity to invite the entire Muslim world to join hands with the Qadianis to browbeat Pakistan. He warns:
“If you do not do so then your name will always be remembered with curses”. (Qadiani magazine, Mishkat, Qadian, May June 1985, page 14).
Place all these facts before you and in the name of fair play do justice whether Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani’s Nobel Award can be a source of delight to you, or a pride for any Pakistani or for that matter for any Muslim anywhere in the world.
No Toleration for Conspirators
A Pakistani Organization, in one of its publications, praised Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani and took the plea that we should commend his scientific skill and ignore his faith, religion or dogmas. Having read this, a feeling Muslim could not restrain himself from writing to this organization’s head who is a well-known personality. He answered to the communication of that Muslim in these words:
“What you have written about Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani shows an exuberance of your sentiments. Just think for a while that we should be open-hearted and tolerant being Muslims. Every day one reads of performances of foreign nationals, non-Muslim scientists and experts who are of other religions. We like their good things, appreciate the worth of their great works, take advantage from their inventions, draw inspirations and praise them for what they have done but we don’t discuss their religion as to what it is or what it was or what it should be because we have nothing to do with their religion. We are concerned only for what they have done for humanity or for human advantage. I trust you will now feel at rest”.
This point of view is positively Islamic open-heartedness. We support it from the recesses of our heart. BUT, when that scientist and expert
1.cuts the roots of religion of Islam;
2.poses a threat to Islamic interests;
3.makes his expertise a vehicle for the propagation of his sham faith;
4.turns his skill into converting Muslims into apostates; and
5.lures Muslim youth into his religion by offering temptations of money, marriage or employment;
THEN, our Muslim admirers while singing an eulogy for him are in duty bound to Islam to warn their Muslim brethren against the danger lurking in this erudite personality.
Dr. Abdus Salam is a Qadiani first and a scientist later. He is a zealot of Qadianism. Under the garb of his scientific performance he is a conspirator against Islam.

Does any government of the world tolerate conspiracy? Are conspirators not consigned to the gallows? When no government tolerates conspiracy against the state, how can conspiracy against Allah and His Prophet(sallallaho alaihe wassallam) be allowed a let-off!

Dr. Abdus Salam’s present leader, Mirza Tahir, is an enemy of Islam and is an ally of enemies of Islam. He is beating war-drum against Pakistan and cursing the whole Islamic world because they don’t support him. He is honking hoarse that Pakistan is opposing his party men. Is it Islamic open-heartedness to sing praise of such a person? Just think for a while.

Tolerance Classified into Categories
A Muslim’s heart rends at the enthusiasm of showing toleration by the above-noted class of starry-eyed tolerants who ignore the honor of Islam and concern for the millat. This class includes three categories of people:
Firstly: Those lay-men who are ignorant of Qadiani beliefs and who are sweetly indifferent to the feelings of hatred, malice and enmity which Qadianis hide in their hearts against the Muslims.

Secondly: Those educated ‘gentlemen’ who are free thinkers. They dislike restraints applied by religion. To show their disgust against religion is a fashion for them. They inhale the free air of modernism. They do not categorize people, religion-wise. A believer or a non-believer, saint or a heretic, faithful or faithless – all weigh equal in their starry eyes.

Thirdly: Those who are called lovers of religiosity. They speak on social reformation and write lengthy discourses on religious subjects, as self-proclaimed heralds of Islam. Discoursing in learned seminars is service of religion for them. They can be identified in this way that they don’t have sufficient time at their disposal due to their national and social pre-occupations to sit in company with pious and godly men. Instead of practicing religious obligations, they believe more in expediencies and prefer other obligations. In the harem of their heart, worldly prudence, in preference to transworldly thoughtfulness, is the legal tender. Very innocently they will sermonize for tolerance, human brotherhood and large-heartedness. Their sermon is not to hate any human, however repulsive he may be to Allah and His Prophet and His ‘Deen’, but to tolerate enemies of Allah, His Prophet and His ‘Deen’.

Yet this tolerance is limited to matters concerning Allah, only because no sooner are their private belongings harmed or their individual honor assailed than they would forget sermonizing tolerance for their personal enemy. Then their rake of vengeance glints and nerve of honor throbs and they will not feel at rest until their antagonist is knocked out.

These lovers of religiosity are aware of Allah’s enemies; they can identify them as they can identify members of their household. They fully know that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani called himself Prophet Muhammad and presented himself before the world as such.

This is also well within the perimeter of their knowledge that the Qadiani gang takes Mirza Ghulam Ahmad as the promised Masih and the appointed Mahdi. Also they know that the Qadianis are the greatest enemy of Islam and are traitors of our holy Prophet(sallallaho alaihe wassallam). These tolerants cannot deny that they don’t know that the Qadianis call Pakistan ‘damned soil’. They know that the Qadianis are in league with the Jews who are conspiring internationally to destroy Pakistan.

In spite of this knowledge and these realizations this class of men sermonizes for toleration of Qadianis. History tells us that nations who are populated with such types get blotted off the map of the world sooner or later, because lack of sense of self-security, and disloyalty to the nourishing of faith lead to bondage and elimination.

Dead Father Habib ur Rahman Reborn
Certainly we are votaries to large-heartedness and tolerance, but we are not prepared to accept a fellow as our father if he comes after my father’s (Habib ur Rahman’s) death and has the cheek to tell me, “I am your dead father, Habib ur Rahman reincarnated; hence submit to me”. Shall I tolerate him? Rather I should beat the vagabond with shoes on his head!
Pros and Cons
On one hand is Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani, the spiritual sire of Dr. Abdus Salam declaring “I am Muhammad”.
On the other hand are those of us who being given a Muslim name on birth sermonize to tolerate enemies of Muslims.

What face will these “Tolerant” Muslims show to their holy Prophet(sallallaho alaihe wassallam) on the coming Day of Congregation?

Just as Mir Jafar pushed India into the abyss of slavery by betraying Siraj ud Daulah, in the same manner, three treacherous Qadianis have been successful in undoing Pakistan to a great extent. First was Zafarullah Khan who as Pakistan’s advocate before the Radcliffe Boundary Commission lost the link to Kashmir, viz., Gurdaspur, Pathankot, to India, (simultaneously his co-religionist Qadianis were presenting a separate memorandum to the Commission as a separate entity from Muslims) and later as the first Foreign Minister of Pakistan lost the Kashmir case in spite of his tiring and hardly intelligible orations at the United Nations. Second was M. M. Ahmed, the so-called financial wizard who as Financial Adviser during Ayub and Yahya regimes played a key role in the drama of debacle of East Pakistan. And the third is our contemporary Dr. Abdus Salam who as Atomic Energy Adviser to Bhutto, by incompetence or betrayal, landed Pakistan decades behind India in atomic research; so much so, that while India exploded an atomic bomb in 1973, the world has been beguiled into accepting it as “a peaceful (!) explosion of a nuclear device” in contrast to Pakistan, whose modest nuclear program purely for generating badly needed energy has been relentlessly magnified by India as an atomic monster and gullibly accepted so by friends and foes alike the world over. We are immensely thankful to Almighty Allah for bestowing Pakistan with many scientists who excel Dr. Abdus Salam in every field; albeit the Qadiani lobby is endeavoring hard to undo their excellent performance.

By: Yusuf Ludhianvi
Dated 2/5/1408 AH

_____________________________________________________________________________________________

From disowned to being ‘undeserving’: The painful story of Nobel Laureate Dr Abdus Salam

From disowned to being ‘undeserving’: The painful story of Nobel Laureate Dr Abdus Salam

Ata-ul-Haye Nasir and Iftekhar Ahmed, UK
Dr Salam
Dr Abdus Salam

Time and again, those whose eyes are green with envy at the success Ahmadi Muslims have achieved around the world lash out, attacking the individual achievements of Ahmadis and seeking to discredit them.

While eminent figures like Prof. Brian Cox, a professor of particle physics at the University of Manchester, laud the contributions of Prof. Dr Mohammad Abdus Salam to the field of physics in the highest terms, a voice of wilful defamation of the Ahmadi Muslim Nobel laureate emerges. A pseudo-intellectual, utterly unequal to the subject, has attempted to assert that Dr Salam did not actually deserve the Nobel Prize. A closer look reveals him to be someone cosying up to Pakistan’s religious far-right. In his X biography, devoid of substantive credentials, he presents himself merely as a “critic”—a designation that seems to be his sole qualification and description. He is not an individual engaged in positive, creative work that propels society forward. Rather, his sole aim appears to be undermining the achievements of others, maintaining his relevance by promoting conspiracy theories about the real, substantive work of more productive minds.

He claims his motives are not rooted in hatred for Ahmadi Muslims, but such assertions prove to be mere babble when one examines his track record of railing against Ahmadis for quite some time, with his recent YouTube video simply the most recent instalment in this sorry series. This YouTuber, who bemoans “unoriginal” work, has ironically adopted the groundbreaking strategy of constructing his entire video around the recycled arguments of a certain Professor Norman Dombey.

45 years have elapsed since Dr Salam was awarded the Nobel Prize, and during that time, many critics have emerged, only to have their objections refuted by those far more qualified to weigh in on the matter—a trait this particular individual sadly lacks.

A cursory glance at Wikipedia’s comprehensive listing of so-called “Nobel Prize controversies” reveals a conspicuous absence: the year 1979, when Prof. Abdus Salam was honoured for his groundbreaking work in theoretical physics. The list chronicles debates surrounding the awards in 1923, 1938, 1974, 1978, 1983, 1997, 2005, 2008, 2010, 2013, 2014, and 2017—but no such controversy is noted for 1979. One must wonder, then, what ulterior motives or vested interests could be driving this attempt to stir up controversy over something long considered uncontroversial in the scientific community.

Engaging in the scientific details would be futile, as the critic himself does not delve into such technical depths. His charges against Dr Salam rely not on scientific dissection, but on selective quotations and perspectives. We shall not rebut the scientific merits, as Dr Salam’s work needs no vindication from us. Instead, we will expose the inadequacies of the arguments presented in this video and the motives behind them.

In support of his claim that Prof. Salam was undeserving of the Nobel, the critic leans heavily on the words of Norman Dombey, a professor of physics and astronomy at the University of Sussex. He also presents comments from Sheldon Lee Glashow, who shared the 1979 Physics Nobel with Salam and Steven Weinberg.

Dr Salam
Sheldon Lee Glashow, Dr Abdus Salam and Steven Weinberg

In an interview with David Zierler on 3 June 2020, Glashow referenced Dombey’s paper, stating, “Everything he says is true, to my knowledge.” (www.aip.org) However, it is important to note the measured critique of Peter Woit, a senior lecturer in the mathematics department at Columbia University. Interestingly, Glashow was Woit’s undergraduate advisor at Harvard, where Woit studied from 1975-79. Commenting on Dombey’s paper, Woit stated that Dombey “more or less seems to argue that Salam didn’t deserve his 1979 Nobel. He describes a lot of history I didn’t know, but I’m not completely convinced.” (Not Even Wrong: “How to Win the Nobel Prize”, www.math.columbia.edu) This nuanced perspective from a respected voice in the field highlights the lack of convincing evidence in Dombey’s argument against Prof. Salam’s deserving of the 1979 Nobel Prize.

Plagiarism?

In a bold accusation of plagiarism, the video presents an excerpt from Sheldon Lee Glashow himself, Dr Salam’s co-recipient of the 1979 Nobel Prize in Physics. In his interview, Glashow states:

“My Nobel Prize depended on that one paper written in 1960. Steve’s Nobel Prize depended exclusively on that one paper he wrote in 1967, a wonderful paper which applied the notion of spontaneous symmetry breaking to the—my electroweak model. So, the question arises, what did Salam do? He introduced the electroweak—the SU(2)XU(1) model in 1964. That was over three years after I did. He copied my work but did not cite me.”

Glashow 1961 1
1961 Paper by Glashow

Yet this allegation stands in stark contrast to Glashow’s own words in his Nobel Lecture of 8 December 1979, in which he speaks quite clearly about the communal nature of scientific discoveries:

“All is woven together in the tapestry; one part makes little sense without the other. Even the development of the electroweak theory was not as simple and straightforward as it might have been. It did not arise full blown in the mind of one physicist, nor even of three. It, too, is the result of the collective endeavor of many scientists, both experimenters and theorists.” (“Towards a Unified Theory—Threads in a Tapestry”, www.nobelprize.org)

The video acknowledges the possibility of independent minds arriving at similar conclusions, but quickly dismisses this notion by presenting Glashow’s response to a direct inquiry on the matter:

“Absolutely not. He knew my work when I wrote a paper—falsely claiming that the Yang-Mills theory would be renormalizable when masses were put in by hand. I claimed it would be renormalizable. I spoke about that work in London when I visited in 1959. Salam listened patiently to my work. And when I got back home, there were two articles awaiting me from his institution, one by him, another by a Japanese co-worker, each of them showing that I had made a stupid mistake and that my paper was wrong. So, he certainly read my papers carefully. I have no doubt that he had read my 1961 paper as well, because the similarities were too great in his 1964 paper. In any event, even if independently conceived, it was fully three years later.” (“Oral History Interviews | Sheldon Glashow”, www.aip.org)

However, in his haste to indict Dr Salam, the critic stumbles into a quagmire of chronological confusion. He erroneously conflates Glashow’s 1959 Paper—which Glashow also presented at Imperial College London at Dr Salam’s invitation—with Glashow’s 1961 Paper. This misunderstanding leads him down a rabbit hole of spurious claims. He does not seem to comprehend that it was Glashow who had to admit to making ‘stupid mistakes’ in his 1959 Paper—mistakes that were rightfully critiqued by Dr Salam and a Japanese colleague. The critic then ludicrously contends that Glashow’s 1961 Paper ultimately proved sound, rendering the criticisms from Prof. Salam invalid. Yet, this entire narrative is built on a foundation of sand, a muddling of the 1959 and 1961 papers, for it was indeed Glashow’s 1959 work that drew warranted criticism—a fact Glashow himself conceded—not his subsequent 1961 publication.

If one is not intimately familiar with the history of these events and has not studied them in depth, such a mistake can easily creep in when relying solely on this isolated statement from Glashow.

What actually happened is chronicled in the very work the critic himself later cited. He seems, however, not to have studied that work thoroughly, cherry-picking only what fits his pernicious agenda. We read:

“Nonetheless, by November 1958 Glashow had convinced himself—erroneously, as it would turn out—that his theory was in fact renormalizable. He wrote a paper that was published in the journal Nuclear Physics on New Year’s Day, 1959. [“The Renormalizability of Vector Meson Interactions,” Nuclear Physics, Vol. 10, pp. 107-117]

“During 1958 Salam too had been attempting to unite the weak and electromagnetic interaction. He had responded to Ward’s suggestion that they build a theory of the weak interaction by inviting Ward to join him at Imperial College. They had read Schwinger’s paper that suggested the existence of a massive W boson and were trying to unite the weak and electromagnetic forces themselves. They completed their paper at almost the same time as Glashow, and it was published in February 1959. [“Weak and Electromagnetic Interactions” (Il Nuovo Cimento, Vol. XI, No. 4, 16 February 1959, pp. 568-577)]

1959
1959 Paper by Dr Salam and JC Ward

“Glashow’s paper examined a model containing a triplet of ‘photons,’ or gauge bosons, the conventional photon being partnered by two electrically charged massive siblings. This was similar to what Salam and Ward were also doing at that juncture.

“The peripatetic Ward had left Imperial College on his travels when Glashow came to give a talk in the spring of 1959. Glashow was claiming that his theory was renormalizable. The problem was that Salam and Ward, both experts on renormalization, had been unable to get rid of infinities, which kept emerging from their calculations like mushrooms. Consequently, Salam was astonished when ‘this young boy’ claimed that the theory was viable—renormalizable—after all.

“During the days immediately after Glashow’s visit, Salam was sufficiently worried that he and colleagues went through the arguments carefully. What could Salam and Ward have missed? In fact, they had overlooked nothing. Glashow’s claim that the theory was renormalizable was completely wrong, and if Glashow had done the calculations properly, he would have shown that the infinities were unavoidable, the exact opposite of what he had thought.

“Glashow was extremely embarrassed. Years later he recalled the episode as follows: ‘Anyone competent in quantum field theory could have spotted my error. Nonetheless, Abdus Salam invited me to speak about my work at Imperial College. My talk was well received and afterward, Salam had me to his home for a marvelous Pakistani dinner. But when I returned to Copenhagen, two Imperial College preprints awaited me showing that I was wrong. Couldn’t Salam simply have told me of my mistake?’

“Whatever the truth of this in detail, Salam’s reaction was mixed. On the one hand, he must have been relieved that he and Ward had not overlooked something so basic. They were, after all, two of the world’s leading experts on renormalization, and it would have crushed their morale to have missed making such a discovery themselves, leaving a graduate student to uncover the great truth. This was their first contact with Glashow, and it left Salam somewhat scornful. Salam was a bit inclined to put people in categories and not move them out again. This episode was an extreme example, Salam claiming that as a result he never again read any of Glashow’s papers, although he himself later admitted that this was a mistake.” (The Infinity Puzzle, Frank Close, 2011, Basic Books, New York, pp. 114-115)

Infinity Puzzle

The following facts emerge from this quote: Firstly, that it was not Glashow’s 1961 paper that Prof. Salam had criticised. Secondly, that his criticism was justified and that even Glashow knew this and had to recognise it. Thirdly, and this is a crucial fact, that Prof. Salam had not studied any of Glashow’s papers after this gross blunder. Therefore, Prof. Salam could not have known anything about Glashow’s 1961 paper.

It is further written that “Abdus Salam’s first exposure to Glashow in 1959 had led him, as we have seen, to ignore Glashow’s papers thereafter. […] That was the state of Salam and Ward’s insight when Glashow first appeared on the scene, giving the talk at Imperial, which led to Salam’s ignoring Glashow’s future papers. […] Salam appears not to have read Glashow’s subsequent papers, for in their 1964 work, Salam and Ward cited Glashow’s 1959 paper about renormalization, which has only marginal relevance to them, and ignored his 1961 paper, which was very close to their concerns.” (Ibid., pp. 120-121)

It needs to be understood that the Papers by Dr Salam and Ward and by Glashow were published in peer-reviewed journals that are reviewed by at least two experts in the field. If there was a hint of plagiarism, we don’t think this would have gone unnoticed.

The question which comes to mind is: Was Glashow’s 1961 paper a big thing?

“Due to the absence of quantitative predictions, Glashow’s theory did not attract much attention from the relevant physics community.” Moreover, “according to the Web of Science data, between the years 1961 and 1967, Glashow’s 1961 paper was cited only once each year; two of these citing publications were co-authored by Glashow himself.” (“The Construction of the Higgs Mechanism and the Emergence of the Electroweak Theory”, Koray Karaca, Studies in History and Philosophy of Modern Physics, February 2013)

Continuation of the 1959 work

The critic has alleged that Dr Salam had “copied” the 1961 Paper of Glashow and published it in 1964, asserting a misleading point that prior to this, Dr Salam’s own calibre was not enough to carry out independent ground-breaking works in the field of physics. Hence, it is crucial to understand that Dr Salam’s 1964 work was in fact a continuation of the work carried out by him along with John Clive Ward—an Anglo-Australian physicist—many years earlier.

In his Nobel Lecture in 1979, Dr Salam highlighted the fact that “[t]he ideas of today started more than twenty years ago, as gleams in several theoretical eyes. They were brought to predictive maturity over a decade back. And they started to receive experimental confirmation some six years ago.” (“Gauge Unification of Fundamental Forces”, www.nobelprize.org)

This statement is supported by many other accounts as well. For instance, it is stated that Prof. “Abdus Salam’s major independent contribution to particle physics in 1956 was the proposal that a new type of invariance principle, called γ5-invariance, should hold for the neutrino, thereby predicting that neutrinos should exist only in the left-handed spin state. This so-called two-component theory of the neutrino was also later formulated by Landau and by Lee and Yang. […]

1956 1
1956 Paper by Dr Salam

“Subsequently, Abdus Salam and John Ward worked on a local gauge theory for the weak and electromagnetic interactions, obtaining the SU(2)×U(1) model in 1964. This was a continuation of their work on the same topic that they had started in 1959. In the intervening period and thereafter, Salam had become deeply convinced that all elementary particle interactions are gauge interactions. This was a recurrent theme in his papers and lectures in the sixties. […]

“Incidentally, Sheldon Glashow in 1961 had also proposed the group SU(2)xU(1) for describing the electromagnetic and weak interactions.” (Selected Papers of Abdus Salam (With Commentary), Ed. T Kibble, C Isham, Riazuddin, A Ali, World Scientific Series in 20th Century Physics, Vol. 5, p. 149)

1964
1964 Paper by Dr Salam and JC Ward

Even Norman Dombey, who has extensively been quoted in the video, has mentioned Dr Salam’s 1956 work, “On parity conservation and neutrino mass”, and stated that “Paul Matthews wrote to him [Dr Salam] from the United States, ‘you’ve really hit the jackpot this time’. His friend and collaborator John Ward wrote, ‘So many congratulations and fond hopes for at least one-third of a Nobel prize’. One-third because the prize would presumably be shared with Lee and Yang.” (Abdus Salam: A Reappraisal Part I — How to Win the Nobel Prize, p. 4) Gordon Fraser has also mentioned this episode. (Cosmic Anger, Oxford University Press, p. 225)

Though at that time only Lee and Yang were awarded the Nobel Prize, considering the above-mentioned quote, it is evident that Dr Salam was already being considered by the leading physicists to be deserving of a Nobel Prize. This point is very important and its significance shall become more evident later in this article.

Shedding light on the fact that Dr Salam’s work was independent of anything done by Glashow, Frank Close has stated:

“Glashow’s thesis, in 1958, was not public knowledge outside Cal Tech, and there is no doubt that Salam and Ward’s first foray into this area was completely independent of anything that Glashow had done. In December 1958 they submitted their paper titled ‘Weak and Electromagnetic Interactions’ to the Italian journal Il Nuovo Cimento, where it appeared in February 1959. They had been inspired by Schwinger, as had Glashow. However, they had set off in a different direction than he did.” (The Infinity Puzzle, p. 120)

Mentioning the contributions of Dr Salam since the late 1950s, Glashow stated during his Nobel Lecture delivered on 8 December 1979:

“Another electroweak synthesis without neutral currents was put forward by Salam and Ward in 1959,” and “in a continuation of their work in 1961, they suggested a gauge theory of strong, weak, and electromagnetic interactions based on the local symmetry group SU(2) x SU(2). This was a remarkable portent of the SU(3) x SU(2) x U(1) model which is accepted today.” (“Towards a Unified Theory—Threads in a Tapestry”, www.nobelprize.org)

In the video, it was also claimed on the basis of The Infinity Puzzle (p. 300) that while Dr Salam published a Paper every six weeks between 1966-68, none of them was on the topic of electromagnetic and weak unification. The above-mentioned facts indicate that Dr Salam had been working on this subject, from one aspect or the other, since 1956.

Independent work

Since the video has alleged that Dr Salam’s work was not original and hence, “didn’t deserve the Nobel Prize”, it is essential to clear this misunderstanding. Even Glashow himself, in his Nobel Lecture, stated:

“We come to my own work done in Copenhagen in 1960 [published in 1961], and done independently by Salam and Ward. We finally saw that a gauge group larger than SU(2) was necessary to describe the electroweak interactions. Salam and Ward were motivated by the compelling beauty of gauge theory.” (“Towards a Unified Theory—Threads in a Tapestry”, www.nobelprize.org)

It makes it crystal clear that Dr Salam’s work in 1964 was independent and original, opposite to what has been asserted in the video.

After describing his work of 1967, Weinberg states:

“Afterwards, I looked back at the literature on intermediate vector boson theories from the late 1950s and early 1960s, and I found that the global SU (2) × U(1) group structure had already been proposed in 1961 by Glashow.” (50 Years of Yang-Mills Theory, Ed. Gerardus ‘t Hooft, pp. 106-107)

This means that, firstly, even Weinberg independently came to the same conclusion as Glashow and, secondly, that even he did not know about Glashow’s work up until 1967.

He then highlights a crucial point by stating that “the four of us had independently come to the same SU (2) x U (1) group structure.” (Ibid., p. 107)

Here, “four of us” means Dr Salam, Glashow, Ward and Weinberg.

In his Nobel Lecture as well, Weinberg stated that “The naturalness of the whole theory is well demonstrated by the fact that much the same theory was independently developed by Salam in 1968.” (“Conceptual Foundations of the Unified Theory of Weak and Electromagnetic Interactions”, www.nobelprize.org)

The critic is taking up so much time to talk about the 1961 Paper of Glashow and the 1964 Paper of Dr Salam and Ward, although this is not at all the basis for Dr Salam’s Nobel Prize. Glashow was awarded the Nobel Prize because of it, but not Salam. So there is no point to be talking in such length about that episode.

In addition to the 1964 Paper of Dr Salam, the critic has also attempted to cast doubts on Dr Salam’s 1967 work as well. Hence, it seems important to quote Peter Woit who has mentioned the problems in Glashow’s model and the subsequent independent works by Dr Salam and Weinberg, in the following words:

“One more idea was needed to fix the gauge symmetry problems of the Glashow model and make it consistent. What was needed is something that has come to be known as a Higgs field.” After mentioning the subsequent work of Weinberg in 1967, he continues: “The same idea was independently found by Abdus Salam, and this kind of unified model of electro-weak interactions is now known variously as the Weinberg-Salam or Glashow-Weinberg-Salam model. […] It was this idea [Higgs mechanism] that Weinberg and Salam used in 1967 to turn Glashow’s earlier model into the one that would be the basis of the electro-weak part of the standard model.” Woit mentions a very important point that Glashow’s “early version of the electro-weak theory was incomplete (unlike the later Weinberg-Salam model) because it lacked something like the Higgs to break the gauge symmetry.” (“Not Even Wrong: The Failure of String Theory and the Continuing Challenge to Unify the Laws of Physics”,  Jonathan Cape London, pp. 78, 83, and 100)

Not even Wrong

Sir Thomas Walter Bannerman Kibble, a British theoretical physicist, has narrated about “the history of the development of the unified electroweak theory” as he saw it from his “standpoint as a member of Abdus Salam’s group at Imperial College”, and stated:

“In 1964, Salam and his long-term collaborator John Ward, apparently unaware of Glashow’s work, proposed a very similar model also based on SU(2)×U(1).” (“History of electroweak symmetry breaking”, https://arxiv.org)

Kibble

S. Gasiorowicz (American theoretical physicist) and P. Langacker (Emeritus Professor of Physics and Astronomy at the University of Pennsylvania) have also stated, “S. Weinberg (1967) and independently A. Salam (1968) proposed an extremely ingenious theory unifying the weak and electromagnetic interactions.” (“Elementary Particles in Physics”, www.physics.upenn.edu)

UoP

No documentary evidence?

In the video, Norman Dombey has been cited to support the notion that there is no documentary evidence of the 1967 lectures at the Imperial College. However, the fact is that Dr Salam “gave a series of lectures on the complete electroweak theory in the autumn of 1967, but did not publish until the spring of 1968 in the Proceedings of a Nobel Symposium.” (“Professor Abdus Salam (1926-1996), Nobel Prize in Physics 1979”, www.imperial.ac.uk)

Let’s see what Frank Close has to say about this. He goes into sufficient detail about these lectures to refute this allegation:

“Salam’s priority for discovering this golden path, independent of Weinberg, who published his theory in November 1967, is that he had already given some lectures at Imperial College during 1967, in which he outlined his ideas on spontaneous symmetry breaking. These lectures, which, as we shall see, probably occurred in October 1967, collectively form the germ of what became known in the 1970s as the Weinberg-Salam model. […]

“Chris Isham, who became one of Salam’s research collaborators, recalled having heard ‘some lectures on electroweak theory just after the end of my first year,’ which is consistent with the autumn of 1967. The only detailed memory comes from Bob Delbourgo, who was a research collaborator of Salam and is today emeritus professor in Tasmania.

“During Kibble’s absence, Delbourgo took responsibility for organizing the seminars. Abdus Salam liked to talk about his pet projects, and Delbourgo told me that Salam wanted to give a series of lectures about his recent work on the spontaneous breakdown of symmetry in gauge theories. Delbourgo recalls, ‘To the best of my recollection I organized some three talks on Tuesday afternoons where he explained his now famous work.’ Unfortunately, Delbourgo took no notes and knows of no one else who did: ‘It all seemed so esoteric at the time.’

“‘Soon after this,’ Delbourgo told me, he was in the physics departmental library and saw Weinberg’s article in Physical Review Letters, which Delbourgo thought ‘looked suspiciously like what Salam had recounted to us.’ He mentioned this to Salam, who ‘looked really chagrined and worried. So I urged him to write up his work as soon as possible, as it was done independently and at roughly the same time as Weinberg’s. Salam mentioned that there was to be a Nobel Symposium, and that this would provide a vehicle for rapid publication of his own work.’ […]

“There is no doubt that some lectures by Salam took place, though it is less clear whether more than a handful of people were present. Delbourgo’s testimony is confident even after four decades; he played a seminal role in the events, which are burned in his memory. The only written record that I have found is a letter, which was sent in 1976 to Ivar Waller, of the Nobel Committee for Physics.” (The Infinity Puzzle, pp. 298-299)

He further mentions that Paul Matthews wrote to Waller, “confirming that he had attended ‘the course of postgraduate lectures … during the autumn term of 1967 at which [Salam] described the unified gauge theory of weak and electromagnetic interactions using the recent work of Kibble… At the time these lectures were delivered, Weinberg’s work had not appeared.’” (Ibid., p. 301)

Infinity 1

Mentioning the unified gauge theory of weak and electromagnetic interactions proposed by Weinberg and Dr Salam, Kibble states:

“Essentially, the same model was presented independently by Salam in lectures he gave at Imperial College in the autumn of 1967—he called it the electroweak theory. (I was not present because I was in the United States, but I have had accounts from others who were.) Salam did not publish his ideas until the following year, when he spoke at a Nobel Symposium, largely perhaps because his attention was concentrated on the development in its crucial early years of his International Centre for Theoretical Physics in Trieste.” (“History of electroweak symmetry breaking”, https://arxiv.org)

Though the video acknowledges the accounts of Robert Delbourgo and Paul Matthews, it attempts to undermine those testimonies. Robert Delbourgo’s detailed account is as follows:

“I have been asked by the organizers to comment upon the birth of the standard model during 1967 and Salam’s prominent role in it. This is an excellent occasion to set the record straight and recount my view of its history; if nothing else to refute innuendos which have occasionally surfaced during the 1970s that Salam was not deserving of the Nobel Prize. That autumn of 1967 I had been in charge of organizing the seminars at IC. Because Salam was constantly on the move and hardly spent more than one month at a stretch in London, I arranged with him to give a couple of lectures on his recent research (in October, to the best of my recollection) during his spell at IC to kick off the seminar season, as it was early in the academic year. He agreed to do so even though the audience attending those talks was somewhat thin. Paul Matthews was certainly present, but Tom Kibble was away in sabbatical in the USA. My memory of his lectures is a bit indistinct nowadays, but I do remember that he kept on invoking these k-meson tadpoles which disappeared into the vacuum which induced the spontaneous breaking of the gauge symmetry: what we now know as the expectation value of the Higgs boson.”

He further states:

“A week or so later, I wandered into the Physics Library and came across Steven Weinberg’s Physical Review Letter, which I noticed looked suspiciously like Salam’s attempt. I showed the article to Salam, who was rather troubled that it was almost the same as his own research, but which was of course entirely independent. Matthews and I urged him to publish his work at the earliest opportunity and this happened to be the upcoming Nobel Symposium. As they say, ‘the rest is history.’ I hope that this account of the events at the time scotches all aspersions that Salam should not have been a prize recipient.” (Memorial Volume on Abdus Salam’s 90th Birthday, Ed. Lars Brink, Michael Duff, Kok Khoo Phua p. 13)

Even Dr Salam himself, as acknowledged in the video, made it clear at the 1968 Nobel Symposium that “The material I shall present today, incorporating some ideas of Higgs & Kibble, was given in lectures (unpublished) at Imperial College.” (“Elementary Particle Theory—Proceedings of the Eighth Nobel Symposium held May 19-25, 1968…”, p. 367)

1968

The video quotes Norman Dombey again, where he states, “The proceedings of the Nobel Symposium [of 1968] were published as an expensive monograph with circulation limited to a few specialist libraries. Hardly any of the more than 1500 of physicists who have cited Salam 1968 in their papers have read the paper.” (Abdus Salam: A Reappraisal Part I — How to Win the Nobel Prize, p. 9)

Here, too, Dombey has made nothing more than a pure assumption, yet he is presented as a witness in the video.

As far as the significance of Dr Salam’s work in 1967 is concerned, the following passage would be enough:

“In the years 1961-64, a lively debate developed about whether the Goldstone theorem could be evaded. P.W. Anderson, using an analogy with the superconductor, pointed out that the Goldstone (plasmon) mode becomes massive due to the gauge field interactions whereas the electromagnetic modes are also massive due to the Meissner effect, despite gauge invariance. However, Anderson had not explicitly given a proof of the evasion of the Goldstone theorem in a relativistic theory. This proof was provided in subsequent theoretical developments pioneered by Peter Higgs, and independently by F. Englert and R. Brout. They also proposed a mechanism by which local symmetries could be broken spontaneously without introducing Goldstone bosons. That this was a way to give masses to the gauge bosons and fermions without introducing explicit mass terms in the Lagrangian was immediately sensed by Salam, and independently by Steven Weinberg. So, all the ingredients mentioned earlier, namely local gauge theory, γ5-symmetry (leading to chiral fermions), and renormalizability, on which Salam had worked for years, were there. In 1967/68, these developments culminated in the famous papers of Weinberg and Salam resulting in the electroweak unification (a name coined by Salam), based on the SU(2)×U(1) group with spontaneous symmetry breaking. This was a crucial step in the construction of a viable theory of weak interactions, made possible by the imaginative strokes of genius of Higgs, Salam and Weinberg.” (Selected Papers of Abdus Salam (With Commentary), Ed. T Kibble, C Isham, Riazuddin, A Ali, World Scientific Series in 20th Century Physics, Vol. 5, p. 150)

Selected Paper of Salam

In addition to asserting that Dr Salam “copied” Glashow’s 1961 Paper, the critic gave another false impression that Dr Salam did not have any significant work in the following years too that could be deemed deserving of a Nobel Prize. Hence, it becomes essential to present some crucial points from Glashow’s Nobel Lecture of 1979, wherein he narrated the timeline of the whole story, as in what was accomplished when and by whom, and highlighted the crucial role of Dr Abdus Salam at several junctures during the post-1964 era. For instance, he stated:

“It soon became clear that a more far-reaching analogy might exist between electromagnetism and the other forces. They, too, might emerge from a gauge principle. A bit of a problem arises at this point. All gauge mesons must be massless, yet the photon is the only massless meson. How do the other gauge bosons get their masses? There was no good answer to this question until the work of Weinberg and Salam [1967-68] as proven by ‘t Hooft (for spontaneously broken gauge theories) [1971-72] and of Gross, Wilczek, and Politzer (for unbroken gauge theories) [1973]. Until this work was done, gauge meson masses had simply to be put in ad hoc.”

He further said:

“Both Salam and Weinberg had had considerable experience in formal field theory, and they had both collaborated with Goldstone on spontaneous symmetry breaking. In retrospect, it is not so surprising that it was they who first used the key. Their SU (2)XU (1) gauge symmetry was spontaneously broken. The masses of the W and Z and the nature of neutral current effects depend on a single measurable parameter, not two as in my un-renormalizable model. The strength of the neutral currents was correctly predicted. The daring Weinberg-Salam conjecture of renormalizability was proven in 1971. Neutral currents were discovered in 1973, but not until 1978 was it clear that they had just the predicted properties.” (“Towards a Unified Theory—Threads in a Tapestry”, www.nobelprize.org)

ICTP, nominations and letters

ICTP Italy
ICTP, Italy

It has already been mentioned in the beginning that prominent physicists considered Dr Salam’s work deserving to be awarded the Nobel Prize even in 1957, but the video asserts that Dr Salam compelled some physicists to approach other leading physicists in order to be nominated for the Nobel Prize. As an argument, the critic states that “the Nobel Committee does not go into the depth as to how good the work is,” and “normally they trust the other physicists or people of that field” who recommend a certain individual to be awarded. He asserts that “Dr Salam was trying to somehow associate himself with the prominent individuals [of his field].”

The video claims that in the 1970s, Nobel Laureate Paul Dirac continuously nominated Dr Abdus Salam for the Nobel Prize due to Dr Salam’s involvement with the ICTP (The Abdus Salam International Centre of Theoretical Physics), which Dirac had a standing invitation to visit, with expenses paid. Strangely, the critic politicised the ICTP’s establishment, asserting it was linked to the Italy-Yugoslavia conflict over Trieste, and portrays Dr Salam as using his influence to compel nominations, citing Norman Dombey’s work as proof. However, there is no evidence that Dr Salam had any vested interest in the ICTP’s establishment.

The critic also mentions that Ivar Waller, member of the Nobel Committee from 1945-1972, would also visit the ICTP every summer. He seems to be portraying the ICTP as a means for Dr Salam to fraternise with important physics dignitaries.

Regarding the objection that Dr Salam misused the ICTP, the following account of Miguel Ángel Virasoro – himself a theoretical physicist and former director of the ICTP (1995-2002) – is worth a read, wherein a refutation has been given to those who show prejudice against Dr Salam.

He states that Dr Salam’s approach, “at every crossroad” was “to think which way would be the right one to reach the high goals he had imposed on himself,” and “his actions were always transparent, his goals always explicit and he has worked unrelentingly for the benefit of others.

“A typical discourse that exposes those prejudices in a clear articulated way but that ends with misleading, wrong conclusions is presented by N. Dombey in an article called ‘Abdus Salam: a reappraisal’. I am not judging here the author but I want to expose how his reasoning, which may convince those who prefer a rule-abiding, neutral, unengaged individual, reveal serious limitations and lead to definitely wrong misleading conclusions.

“His basic criticism is that Abdus Salam took advantage of the ICTP infrastructure to promote his candidacy to the Nobel Prize disregarding the goals of the ICTP. […]

“[I]t is a fact, well accounted in all records of the Centre and in particular by A-M Hamende’s contribution included in the same document cited by Dombey that Salam’s Nobel prize had the following effects:

“‘The Nobel Prize to Abdus Salam is definitely the milestone in the history of the ICTP. … For the Centre, it meant a first leap in the financing of its programmes. … From 1970 to 1979, the increase in financial resources came mainly from the IAEA and UNESCO and allowed for an increase of activities (expressed in person × month) of about 3.5% every year. After the Nobel Prize until 1984, the average annual growth rate jumped to 9% thanks to increased contributions of the IAEA and the Italian Government. In 1987, the Italian Government became by far the biggest sponsor of the ICTP.’

“Furthermore Salam didn’t sit idly on the Nobel Prize. On the contrary he took it as a new opportunity to address the governments of Third World Countries to argue about importance of science for development. He took the road and visited: in 1979 Mexico; in 1980 Brazil, Peru, Colombia, Argentina and Venezuela; in 1981 India, Abu Dhabi, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Oman, and Jordan; in 1984 Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Ethiopia, Malawi and Zaire; in 1986 Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, Malaysia, Singapore, Sri Lanka and Vietnam, in 1987 Senegal, Niger, Mali.” (Memorial Volume on Abdus Salam’s 90th Birthday, Ed. Lars Brink, Michael Duff, Kok Khoo Phua pp. 128-130)

Memorial

The point that must be kept in mind is that the “hours spent in administrative work obviously took away from research. Steven Weinberg, who shared the Nobel Prize with Salam, remarked at the amount of time he devoted to the ICTP ‘at the cost of physics.’ ‘I don’t know that I would be able to do that,’ Weinberg said, but for Salam the matter went beyond choice.” (Ibid., p. 517)

As far as the letters are concerned, Dr Salam’s biographer, Gordon Fraser has stated, “On several occasions, Paul Dirac, as a Nobel laureate, had put Salam’s name forward to Stockholm. So had Bethe. Momentum built up after the key discovery of the neutral current in 1973. Salam’s colleague Paul Matthews wrote to Stockholm to explain how Salam had lectured on the unification idea at Imperial College in 1967, prior to its publication in the obscure proceedings of the Nobel Symposium.” (Cosmic Anger, Oxford University Press, pp. 225-226)

Kibble was among those who nominated Dr Salam for the Nobel Prize. Mentioning about what he had argued in that nomination, Frank Close stated:

“One of those who nominated Salam for the 1979 prize was Tom Kibble. In eight pages his nomination provides an elegant summary of the state of physics, recalling Salam’s breadth of contributions and identifying various aspects of Salam’s work on the weak interaction—spontaneous symmetry breaking, electroweak unity, gauge invariance—where although several had contributed, only Salam ‘played a leading role in every stage in this success story.’” (The Infinity Puzzle, p. 308)

Dr Salam

Paul Dirac would receive invitation letters from the Nobel Committee to nominate the potential physicist for the award, for instance, Dirac received letters from the Committee, asking him to make nominations for the 1972, 1974, 1975 and 1978 award. Hence, we find his handwritten letter of 1975, to the Nobel Committee—sent in 1978 as well—wherein he highlighted the 1956-57 works of Dr Abdus Salam. Mentioning Dr Salam’s contribution to the development of the particle physics, he stated:

“Most of the people who have made outstanding contributions to this development have already received the Nobel Prize, but an important exception is A Salam, who put into order our ideas about neutrinos and weak interactions.

“Salam was the first to realize the necessity for a two-component wave function for the neutrino and the principle for γ5 symmetry in neutrino interactions. He came to these ideas from theoretical arguments and they were subsequently confirmed by experiment. Other physicists, namely Landau and Yang and Lee, (all Nobel laureates) came to the same conclusion independently, but some months later than Salam.

“Because of the general obscurity of our knowledge of elementary particles people are continually bringing new ideas, which usually survive only a few years. But Salam’s ideas have stood the test of time and are now incorporated into the accepted basis of Physics.

“Salam’s work was pioneering and surprising (he had to push against strong opposition of Pauli). It was decisive in setting the character of this kind of interaction and had a big influence on the development of an important branch of physics. I feel strongly that it should be awarded with a Nobel Prize.” (The Florida State University Digital Libraryhttps://diginole.lib.fsu.edu)

These are the words of that person who is, according to Frank Close, “one of the greatest theoretical physicists of the [20th] century.” (The Infinity Puzzle, p. 20)

Dr Salam’s 1957 paper “was cited in nominations that he be awarded a Nobel Prize — on the grounds that his theory had preceded the definitive experiments proving parity violation, and that Lee and Yang ‘had not proposed a theory of parity violation, nor attempted to link it to any deep principle of physics.’” (Ibid., p. 296)

The video then quotes Dombey, where he states, “Spurred by Ward’s and Matthews’ letters, Salam now could turn his attention to his prime goal. On the wall of his office in Trieste he put the Persian prayer ‘O Lord, work a miracle!’ And he set to work hard to make it happen using ICTP’s resources: the miracle he wished for was the Nobel Prize in Physics.” (Abdus Salam: A Reappraisal Part I — How to Win the Nobel Prize, p. 7)

Whether or not this miracle meant the Nobel Prize, there is no wrong in praying for achieving a distinction or even a well-deserving award.

The fact is that Dr Salam had accomplished many milestones that were deserving of a Nobel, as Frank Close notes that Murray Gell-Mann, Physics Nobel laureate in 1969, “judged Salam and Ward together to have made many very important contributions to particle physics, worthy of consideration for a Nobel Prize.” Gell-Mann “added that if he had been awarding a prize to Salam, he would have done so for a set of things, which included the weak interaction rather than just for that alone.” Close says, “Gell-Mann’s assessment mirrored Kibble’s nomination of Salam: A prize for Salam could be awarded for a set of things.” (The Infinity Puzzle, p. 310)

Furthermore, Close writes that “following an article by Weinberg in Scientific American in 1974”, “[i]n a letter to that journal, Ward objected to Weinberg’s having described Salam’s 1968 talk as occurring ‘later’ than Weinberg’s own contribution. In Ward’s perspective, Salam’s 1968 talk was reporting on work done with him, which had occurred ‘several years earlier’ in 1964.’” (Ibid.)

The Nobel Prize

NYT 1979
The New York Times, 16 October 1979

Coming to the Nobel Prize, the official press release from the institution, dated 15 October 1979, announced that Dr Salam, Glashow and Weinberg were being awarded the 1979 Nobel Prize “for their contributions to the theory of the unified weak and electromagnetic interaction between elementary particles, including inter alia the prediction of the weak neutral current.”

It further states:

“In a series of separate works in the 1960s this year’s Nobel Prize winners, Glashow, Salam and Weinberg, developed a theory which is applicable also at higher energies, and which at the same time unifies the weak and electromagnetic interactions in a common formalism. Glashow, Salam and Weinberg started from earlier contributions by other scientists.” (www.nobelprize.org)

On the official website of this institution, we find the following words that acknowledge Dr Salam’s contribution to Physics:

“According to modern physics, four fundamental forces exist in nature. Electromagnetic interaction is one of these. The weak interaction—responsible, for example, for the beta decay of nuclei—is another. Thanks to contributions made by Abdus Salam, Sheldon Glashow, and Steven Weinberg in 1968, these two interactions were unified to one single, called electroweak. The theory predicted, for example, that weak interaction manifests itself in ‘neutral weak currents’ when certain elementary particles interact. This was later confirmed.” (“Abdus Salam—Facts”, Ibid.)

Nobel

The same AIP (American Institute of Physics) from which the interview of Glashow has been cited, states:

“Abdus Salam won the Nobel Prize, along with Steven Weinberg and Sheldon Glashow, for electroweak theory. […] Salam realized that at high temperatures, the electromagnetic and weak nuclear force were the same. He showed that the two forces were components of one unified force, the electroweak force.” (“The Heritage of All Mankind—Abdus Salam and the Four Fundamental Forces”, www.aip.org)

Highlighting another important point, the same platform states:

“Abdus Salam donated all of his prize money to fund scholarships for physicists in countries underrepresented in the international physics community.” (“Biography of Abdus Salam—The Heritage of All Mankind”, Ibid.)

The critic has asserted that Dr Salam misused his influence at the ICTP to get the Nobel Prize, however, the above testimony highlights the fact that once he won the award, he donated his prize money for the further development of physics in Third World countries.

Another article on this platform states that “the story of Dr Abdus Salam is one of the most complex stories in the history of physics. Nevertheless, several things are quite clear in his life: he was deeply committed to his Ahmadi Muslim faith, he was dedicated to advancing physics in countries underrepresented in the global physics community, and his contributions to physics were groundbreaking.” (“Breaking the Barrier: Dr Abdus Salam”, Maria Stoke, Ibid.)

One ought to understand that it was not only one distinct Paper contribution that was given the Nobel Prize, but rather, it was awarded for the contributions of all three scientists over the past two decades.

Conclusion

In short, Dr Salam’s works were original and independent. He played a crucial role in the development of particle physics and there can be no doubt that he indeed deserved the Nobel Prize. Moreover, it is evident that scientific theories and ideas evolve with time and include the efforts of many, and this is what must be considered before crafting any conspiracy theories.

As far as the importance of his works in the field of particle physics is concerned, the following words from Abigail Beall – a freelance science journalist who has a master’s degree in Science Journalism – would be enough to summarise:

“In 1979, Pakistani scientist Abdus Salam won the Nobel Prize for physics. His life’s work was key to defining a theory of particle physics still used today, and it laid the groundwork for the 2012 discovery of the Higgs boson – the particle responsible for giving all other particles mass.” (“Abdus Salam: The Muslim science genius forgotten by history”, 15 October 2019, www.bbc.com)

_____________________________________________________________________________________________
Links and Related Essay’s


Dr. Abdus Salam liked white women, alcohol and a busy British lifestyle – ahmadiyyafactcheckblog

Dr. Abdus Salam liked white women, alcohol and a busy British lifestyle

Sheldon Glashow – Wikipedia

The Nobel Prize in Physics 1979 – NobelPrize.org

Home | ICTP

Dr. Abdus Salam and Nobel Prize (alhafeez.org)

https://arxiv.org/abs/1109.1972

Oral History Interviews | Sheldon Glashow | American Institute of Physics (aip.org)

How to Win the Nobel Prize | Not Even Wrong (columbia.edu)

https://x.com/Taimur_Laal/status/1797921184895644089

From disowned to being ‘undeserving’: The painful story of Nobel Laureate Dr Abdus Salam

Afzal Mirza on X: “RT @Taimur_Laal: Dr. Wienberg on Dr. Abus Salam. Please listen carefully. https://t.co/gcLkd4E6Mz” / X (twitter.com)

Norman Dombey : University of Sussex

_____________________________________________________________________________________________
Tags

#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #messiahhascome #ahmadiyyat #trueislam #ahmadianswers #mirzaghulamahmad #qadiani #qadianism #qaiserahmedraja

#drabdussalam #abdussalam #salamonnetflix #drsalam

#قادیانی_دنیا_کا_بدترین_کافر
#قادیانی_اقلیت_نہیں_غدار