Fauzia Faizi confirms that the Mirza family is full of incest and rapists

The Mirza family are a group of sick people.  MGA’s son, the famous Musleh Maud preyed on boys and girls.  The British Government allowed him to do whatever he wanted.  A few years ago, Fauzia Faizi did an interview wherein she described the inner workings of the Mirza family, Samina Khan, a German politician also weighed in.  Fauzia Faizi also discussed how Mirza Basheer-uddin Mahmud Ahmad was raping his own daughter and etc.  Fauzia Faizi is the great grand daughter of a companion of MGA, Dr. Syed Abdus Sattar Shah.  She is also the niece of Abd u Rehman Khadim (Author of Ahmadiyya Pocket Book).  

The family of Fauzia Faizi
Her father was Professor Faizi (Faiz-ur-Rehman), he taught at T.I. College in Rabwah, Pakistan for many years.  He seems to be related Maulvi Barkat Ali.  Her father had 3 brothers and 3 sisters, 7 in total.  On her mom’s side she is directly and closely related to Mirza Tahir Ahmad.  Her mom (Seema) was the eldest daughter of to Syed Wali Ullah, who was a son Dr. Syed Abdus Sattar Shah.  Seema had 6 siblings, 5 sisters in total and 2 brothers.  Fauzia Faizi’s uncle was Malik Aziz-ur-Rehman.

When Syeda Maryam died in 1944
Fauzia Faizi was told that her aunty, Syeda Maryam was physically and mentally tortured by the Khalifa.  They said that she died of depression, however, there were other reasons.  As soon as she died, the Khalifa, Mirza Basheer-uddin Mahmud Ahmad, who was 55 years old at the time, began frequenting the house of Fauzia Faizi’s mother.  Fauzia Faizi’s mother was barely 14 years old at the time.  The Khalifa even proposed marriage with her.  However, Fauzia Faizi’s grandmother said NO, and was very upset by this proposal.

The Khalifa forces Fauzia Faizi’s mother to marry Professor Faizi
Fauzia Faizi’s mother was forcibly married to Professor Faizi, per the order of the Khalifa.


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Dr. Abdus Salam liked white women, alcohol and a busy British lifestyle


The life of Dr. Salam is not properly explained by Ahmadiyya sources. In this essay, we will present the proper data and leave it to the readers to draw their own conclusions. However, you will notice that during the life of Dr. Salam, he never allowed anyone to mention his second wife (girlfriend) and those circumstances. We don’t see his relationships as a meaning of shame or anything, we are just pointing out that Dr. Dame Louise Napier Johnson, who per British law, was never his wife, instead a life-long girlfriend. Ahmadiyya sources never mention the 2 kids that Dr. Salaam and Dr. Johnson had as well. Salam and Johnson had 2 children, they don’t seem to be Ahmadi at all. Dr. Salaam had allegiance to his cult-like religion and he respected the religion of his father, he thus never challenged anything in Ahmadiyya, he also believed that his intelligence was based on a revelation of MGA. IMHO, he was an Atheist, however, out of respect for his family, he supported Ahmadiyya as much as he could. However, he never had the courage to attempt to solve the dogmatic irregularities of the Ahmadiyya religion, like Yus Asaf and the eclipses. Salam’s life lasted over these years, born-January 1926, died on 21 November 1996. He was born in British-India, he chose to become a Pakistani after 1947, however, he began to hate Pakistan in 1953, right after the 1953 anti-Ahmadiyya riots. He moved out of Pakistan in and began working at Cambridge and joined St John’s College, and took a position as a professor of mathematics, this was in the UK of course.  By 1964, when Ahmadi’s were thriving in Pakistan, he decided to help the country of Italy, which is unethical, since Mussolini supported Hitler in WW-2. Nevertheless, per the order of his Khalifa, he worked for Pakistan and Italy simultaneously and as an esteemed College Professor at Cambridge.  However, after Ahmadi’s were declared Non-Muslim in 1974, he left his job with the Pakistani government and began to focus on his school of Physics in Trieste, Italy. Oct 1974 to late 1978 seems to be a dead era in his career. In 1979, he won the Nobel Prize in Physics.  In 1979, the President of Pakistan and head military dictator, Zia ul Haq invited Dr. Salaam to Pakistan and gave him full presidential treatment, they asked him to build a center of Physics, he was wined and dined, nevertheless, he still left Pakistan in 1980 and continued to work for Italy.  Eventually, he died in 1996 of a rare brain disease wherein he had become a mute and at the house of his 2nd wife.  Polygamy in the UK was illegal, hence, his second wife, Dr. Johnson was more like a lifelong girlfriend in British law.

Singh, Jagjit.  Abdus Salam (1992).

Ghani, Abdul (1982). “Science Advisor to the President (1960–1974)”. Abdus Salam: a Nobel laureate from a Muslim country : a biographical sketch.

abdus-salam-bio–Cosmic Anger, Fraser, Gordon.  (2008).  Free download

Dombey, Norman.  “Abdus Salam: A Reappraisal” (2011)

Mujahid, Kamran.  “The inspiring life of Abdus Salam” (2013)

Al-nahl, an Ahmadiyya magazine, 1997 tribute to Dr. Salam:
Al-Nahl-1997-v008-No_04 – Prof Muhammad Abdus Salam Issue

There are a few bios on Abdus Salaam.  Pervez Hoodboy has also spoke on Dr. Salaam here.  

According to his colleague, Dr. Weinberger, Dr. Salam was fond of “Scotch” whiskey–“Abdus Salam” by Kibble (1998)

Abdus Salam

His father was an educational official employed with the British Government
Abdus Salam was born  as a citizen of British-India to Chaudhry Muhammad Hussain and Hajira Hussain, into a Punjabi family that was part of the Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam. In terms of caste-affiliation, they were Jats of Rajput descent from Jhang on his father’s side while his mother was a Kakazai from Gurdaspur.[22][23][24] His grandfather, Gul Muhammad, was a religious scholar as well as a physician[7] while his father was an education officer in the Department of Education of Punjab State in a poor farming district.  It is unclear how any of these people became Ahmadi’s, they are not tied to any of the early converts to Ahmadiyya.

Abdus Salam was born in Santokdas in the District of Sahiwal, this is 100 kilometers from modern day Jhang, Pakistan. Abdus Salam’s mother and her family were from Santokdas, his maternal grandfather was working, he also seemed to be an employee of the British government, it in unclear whether he was an Ahmadi or not. The reason that Abdus Salam was born in Santokdas instead of Jhang was because it was some type of cultural custom for their family that when a child is born, he is born in the family home of the woman, instead of the man, most likely because child birth requires great care and etc.  Abdus Salam’s only sister Hamida was also born in Santokdas, however, his additional 6 siblings (boys) were all born in Jhang, British Indian (See Kibble).  Abdus Salam was thus the eldest in a family of 8 children, however, he did have a half sister from his fathers first marriage which makes a total of 9 siblings.

By age 5, it was obvious that Abdus Salam was special.

His parents forced his siblings to serve him food and to clean his clothes and etc.  Abdus Salam never worked any manual labor, nor did he play any sports.  By today’s standards, he was a privileged kid.

At age 14, Salam scored the highest marks ever recorded for the matriculation (entrance) examination at the Punjab University (See Fraser).  There was a huge celebration in the city of Jhang as Salam’s scores were reported to the entire city.

Abdus Salam graduates with a B.A. in Mathematics from Government College University, Lahore.   While in Lahore, Abdus Salam went on to attend the graduate school of Government College University.[29]


He received his MA in Mathematics from the Government College University in 1946.[21] That same year, he was awarded a scholarship to St John’s College, Cambridge, where he completed a BA degree with Double First-Class Honours in Mathematics and Physics in 1949. This was a special Punjab Government scholarship to Cambridge program. Salam was really lucky, the head of the Punjab government has been collecting money to help in Allied war effort. The War ended in roughly 1945, there was lots of money that was left over.  150,000 rupees were left over (see Kibble), the head of the Punjab government agreed to allocate this money to the sons of poor farmers to study abroad. However, Salam was not the son of a farmer. Somehow, by buying some land, Salam’s father had qualified to receive the scholarship. On top of that, some other student had unexpectedly dropped out of Cambridge, thus leaving a seat open. The scholarship was totally cancelled the next year, Salam seems to have been the only beneficiary.

Dr. Salam meets Zafrullah Khan in 1946 in Liverpool
Co-incidentally, they both met as Dr. Salaam had arrived in the UK for higher studies.  They both scammed and schemed on behalf of Ahmadiyya their entire life.  However, it is important to note that Dr. Salaam never volunteered for Ahmadiyya and never wrote any articles in support of any Ahmadiyya theory.  He was silent on Jesus in India, the eclipses and many other scientific phenomenon.

1949, August 19th, Salam marries his first cousin
This topic is barely covered by all sources.  In this era, Dr. Salam left home for the first time ever, in other words, he left his country, which was British-India, but, by 1947 it was the newly formed country, Pakistan.  Salam was back and forth from the UK and Pakistan quite a bit in this era. (see al-Nahl).  Salam deeply respected his father and always obeyed him. When he graduated from GC in 1946, he had never gone to the cinema because his father had forbidden him to do so. He was also scolded by his father for playing chess after which he never played the game. He used to say that he owed his success to his father’s prayers.

Dr. Salam married his cousin, Amtul Hafeez (she died in 2007), she was the sister of Col. G.M. Iqbal, 
They had 4 children.  In order of their ages:
Daughter–Dr. Aziza Rahman (born in June of 1950, in Multan), she married Dr. Hameed ur Rehman in the L.A. area
Daughter—Asifa (Born November 1954 in London)
Daughter–Bushra Salam Bajwa (Born in November of 1956 in Pakistan)
Son—-Ahmad Salam (Born in 1960, in the UK)

Aziza has a PhD in biochemistry, while Ahmad has a degree in Finance and works for a Kuwaiti company from London as an investment banker. All three daughters are housewives.

1951 to 1953
Salam lived in isolation, his wife and daughter lived in Multan, Salam lived in Lahore.  In the future, he would continue to live like this.  He spent the summers of 1952 and 1953 in London.
Salam completed his PhD thesis in 1951: Developments in quantum theory of fields. This was a rather brilliant work: in addition to making his name as a physicist, it resulted in him winning a share of the highly prestigious Adams Prize for mathematical sciences in 1956

In 1953, Dr. Salam moved to Cambridge, with his wife and young daughter Aziza
See Al-Nahl of 1997.

Salam was in love with a girl named Urmilla at the Govt College Lahore
It seems that Dr. Salam was already cheating on his new wife.  See Cosmic Anger.

January of 1954
Abdus Salaam turned his back on Pakistan after the 1953 riots on Ahmadiyya

Is Abdus Salaam a traitor to Pakistan?  Well, in this book, on pages 26-31.  It is stated that Dr. Salaam purposely and willfully was upset with Pakistan and moved away.  He then helped the UK and other countries develop educational programs in terms of physics.

This was the first time that Dr. Salaam turned his back on his country, however, it wasn’t the last.  Singh tells us that Salaam was personally threatened, and the riots were about his close friend, Zafrullah Khan, so Salaam was now eager to leave his people in Pakistan, and he fled to the UK and began giving up all of his islamic ideals on life (see pages 28-29, Singh).

Dr. Salam neglected all 6 of his children
Dr. Salam was so busy being an ambassador for Ahmadiyya, that he never truly enjoyed his life.  He never took a real vacation, nor did he even spend substantial time with his children.  Ahmad Salam stated in an interview for a documentary being made on Salam that he saw so little of his father that when he was six or seven years old he would ask his mother if he could bring his bedding into Salam’s bedroom and put it on the floor just to be close to him. “I wanted to be with him as much as possible.”[27] Two of his daughters have given us valuable glimpses of his family life and his work habits. They write:[28]

“”””His travels took him all over the world Thus, his work left him little time for the family life. … He was quite strict at home, especially where our studies were concerned. He would bring us each workbooks and before going to his college he would set us certain pages that we had to do. Whenever he returned from an overseas trip, he would call us into his room and check on our grades and progress. He encouraged us and gave us confidence by constantly reminding us of one of his favorite sayings, “Do your best and leave the rest to Allah.”…
He himself never stopped working…. My father maintained his meticulous work habits in an unflagging routine punctuated by “catnaps” and endless supplies of sweets and hot tea…He would go to bed around eight or nine o’ clock in the evening, and arise a very few hours later to work in the silent hours before dawn when his level of concentration and creativity would perhaps reach its peak, sustained by a thermos of hot, sweet tea and some snacks that we would place by his bedside before sleeping.””””

Dr. Salam’s nephew, Nasir Iqbal, son of the late Col. G.M. Iqbal
He was with Dr. Salam in his final years in Italy and spent lots of time with Dr. Salam. He gave lots of details about Dr. Salam’s lonely life. His nephew Nasir Iqbal, was employed at ICTP for some time also, call it nepotism.

Salam adjusted to life in the UK with his family.

In 1957, he was invited to take a chair at Imperial College, London, and he and Paul Matthews went on to set up the Theoretical Physics Department at Imperial College.[42] As time passed, this department became one of the prestigious research departments that included well known physicists such as Steven WeinbergTom KibbleGerald GuralnikC. R. HagenRiazuddin, and John Ward.  Punjab University conferred Salam with an Honorary doctorate for his contribution in Particle physics.[43] The same year with help from his mentor, Salam launched a scholarship programme for his students in Pakistan. Salam retained strong links with Pakistan, and visited his country from time to time.[44]

At Cambridge and Imperial College he formed a group of theoretical physicists, the majority of whom were his Pakistani students. At age 33, Salam became one of the youngest persons to be elected a Fellow of the Royal Society (FRS) in 1959.[7][7] Salam took a fellowship at the Princeton University in 1959, where he met with J. Robert Oppenheimer[45] and to whom he presented his research work on neutrinos.[46] Oppenheimer and Salam discussed the foundation of electrodynamics, problems and their solution.[47] His dedicated personal assistant was Jean Bouckley.

Abdus Salam returned to Pakistan in 1960 to take charge of a government post that was given to him by President Field Marshal Ayub Khan. From her independence, Pakistan has never had a coherent science policy, and the total expenditure on research and development represent ~1.0% of Pakistan’s GDP.[61] Even the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) headquarters was located in a small room, and less than 10 scientists were working on fundamental concepts of physics.[62] Abdus Salam replaced Salimuzzaman Siddiqui as Science Advisor, became first Member (technical) of Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission. Abdus Salam expanded the web of physics research and development in Pakistan by sending more than 500 scientists abroad.[63]

In September 1961, Abdus Salam approached President Ayub Khan to set up the country’s first national space agency.[64] On 16 September 1961, through an executive order, Space and Upper Atmosphere Research Commission was established, in which Abdus Salam served as the first director.[64] Before 1960, very little work on scientific development was done, and scientific activities in Pakistan were almost diminished. Abdus Salam called Ishfaq Ahmad, a nuclear physicist, who had left the country for Switzerland where he joined CERN, to Pakistan. With the support of Abdus Salam, PAEC established PAEC Lahore Center-6, with Ishfaq Ahmad as its first director.[65]

In 1962, Salam took his wife and parents to Mecca to perform Umrah, the small pilgrimage. Involving a single lap of the Ka’aba, this can be done at any time of the year, and involves much less organization and effort than the elaborate full pilgrimage, the Hajj. The experience nevertheless impressed him deeply. Every Muslim is supposed to make the full Haj once: making Umrah does not absolve a believer from the responsibility of making the full pilgrimage. But it was to be Salam’s only trip to Saudi Arabia.

In the same year, he met a very young Physics student, Louise Dame NapierJohnson.  Attending an antinuclear proliferation meeting in London in 1962, Salam had met Louise Johnson, then a physics undergraduate at University College London (UCL), who was helping with the meeting’s
administration. It was what the French call un coup de foudre, an emotional lightning strike, such as Salam had not experienced since seeing the inaccessible Urmilla at Government College, Lahore, some twenty years before.  Louise was only 20 years old, and Salam was 36.

In 1964, Salam founded the International Centre for Theoretical Physics (ICTP), Trieste, in the North-East of Italy and served as its director until 1993.[97]
Salam never intended to help Pakistan develop any international science center or nuclear weapons.  However, he played games and acted like he was interested.  His Khalifa most likely controlled Salam, and thus he never helped Pakistan do anything.

His father, Chaudhry Mohammad Hussain dies in Karachi and is buried in a special area of Bahishti Maqbara, in Rabwah, Pakistan.

Dr. Salaam had a change of heart, and this is the most peaceful era of Ahmadis in Pakistan.  In 1958, he was named as the Chief Scientific Advisor to the President, Ayub Khan (see Singh, pages 96-97).  Abdus Salaam was thus able to get lots of Ahmadis hired into the government and etc. This was the era when Ahmadis were Economic Advisors, military generals, and held disproportionate employment with the government. Dr. Salaam wanted to start an international physics center, however, there was a shortage of funds and no projects could ever be funded.  Dr. Salam was a workaholic, he seems to have been working 3 jobs simultaneously in this era.  From 1965 onwards, Dr. Salam was back and forth from Italy to the UK.

His marriage to Louise Johnson
Fraser, “Cosmic Anger”, page 230-231

“Salam and Louise Johnson were married in a Muslim wedding in London in 1968.  An unlikely witness was Paul Mathews, Salam’s long-time research partner  and professor at Imperial. 36.  In Islamic terms, his new relationship was a marriage, so Salam was following the edicts of a religion that expressly forbids fornication. 37.  but on the other hand it was sufficiently distant from a union that had taken place between cousins in Pakistan as not to cause alarm.  The freedom and support that Salam’s unorthodox lifestyle required was freely given on all sides, and the unconventional arrangement worked.  By deft planning and attention to detail, and by supreme forbearance by those involved, Salam was able to manage his unconventional matrimonial affairs, shuttling between Trieste, London and Oxford.  Salam was discreet about all of this, but on the other hand did not keep it secret.  His ‘second family’ became regular summer visitors at Trieste.”
36—Salam would have preferred 2 Muslim witnesses to his new marriage, and this was duly rectified in a second marriage ceremony in 1973.

Dr. Salam had both of his wives living less than a mile apart in 1990–1996 era.

Dr. Salam married Dr. Napier illegally
British law does not allow for polygamy. Hence, Dr. Salam was cheating on his wife of almost 15 + years and having an affair with Dr. Napier. Furthermore, in 1968, Dr. Salam’s eldest daughter was 18 years old, whereas Dr. Salam’s girlfriend was just 26. We are unsure if they ever met in life. Sources tell us that in 1973, a proper nikkah ceremony was held, however, the Ahmadiyya movement has never confirmed this. We know that Dr. Salam was best friends with Zafrullah Khan and a VIP at the London Mosque, hence, anything could be done for him.

Another biography: Dr. Abdus Salam, by Jagjit Singh. Says, he admired Muhammad Iqbal, the poet philosopher.

Singh was silent on Dr. Salaam’s wife, Professor Dame Louise Napier Johnson.

This is the proof that this book was purposely biased.  We all know that Dr. Salaam eloped with Dr. Johnson in 1968…they were not married in any ceremony.  Dr. Salaam didn’t care about any islamic laws, he was above the laws in Ahmadiyya and was never even questioned.  However, a few years later, he had an ahmadi-mullah read the Nikkah.  His son was born in 1974 (Umar) and a daughter was born in 1982 (Saeeda).  Both of these children are shunned by the Ahmadiyya Movement.

How did Dr. Salam meet Dr. Napier?
Singh tells us that in 1968 they seem to have eloped together. In 1968, Salam was living in the Uk and working at the Imperial College.  Salam was also back and forth to Pakistan in these days since he worked as Scientific advisor to Ayub Khan. Dr. Napier finished her studies in 1965, After her PhD, she moved to the laboratory of Frederic M. Richards at Yale University for postdoctoral research in 1966. At Yale she worked as part of a team with Frederic M. Richardsand Hal Wyckoff on the crystal structure of another enzyme, ribonuclease, which was solved shortly after she left: the fourth protein structure solved.[7]  Dr. Napier transferred to the Royal Institution for postgraduate research, she spent a year at Yale and was working as Departmental Demonstrator in the Department of Zoology, University of Oxford.  She became faculty in 1973.  Dr. Salam seems to have been very busy in these days, since his first family was also in the same geographic area, i.e. London.  When Dr. Salam went to pickup his Nobel prize, he had both of his wives with him and wearing a full burka.  Swedish officials seated them in different parts of the auditorium while the King decorated their husband.  Dr. Salam was 42 and Dr. Napier was 28 years old.

Dr. Salam and Dr. Napier had 2 children
They had two children: a son born in 1974(Umar Salam) and a daughter born in 1982 (Syeda Hajira). Johnson’s husband died in 1996. She died on 25 September 2012 in Cambridge, England.[17][5][18] Their whereabouts are unknown.  Their religion is unknown.  Iftikhar Ahmed, a physicist who worked very closely with Salam, recalled them as being “madly in love – it was always ‘my darling’ this, and ‘my darling’ that … I never saw him happier than when he was with Louise”.

Umar Salam
Umar has completed his Ph.D. in mathematics from Cambridge. I remember that it was during a summer of the mid 1980s, that Salam asked me to teach Urdu to Umar. I did so for a few days. When I asked Umar if he was really interested in learning Urdu, Umar said that he was doing it only because his father wanted him to learn Urdu. Interestingly, one day Salam checked the words I had taught him and their transliteration. (this was taken from here:, see footnote number 31).  (Not sure who this person was who was teaching Dr. Salam’s son Urdu).

Umar Salam and Stephen Hawkings
It seems that they both worked together at the University of Cambridge.  See here:

Singh is wrong on Ahmadiyya persecution and the 1974 NA
Singh writes that after legislation was passed, violence vs. Ahmadis broke out..that is an open lie.  He was most likely lied to by Ahmadi-mullahs or other Ahmadis who are fond of lying about their cult-like non-profit business.    In fact, after Oct-7th-1974, the data proves that violence vs. Ahmadis was dead for 4 years until late 1978, even then, these isolated cases are not honest, these people may have been killed in family disputes, not Ahmadiyya related issues. In fact, uptil Ord-XX and 1984 there was 10-years of relative peace for Ahmadi’s in Pakistan.

Salaam turns his back on Pakistan again in Sep-1974
Ahmadis were declared non-Muslim in Sep-1974, and Dr. Salaam resigned immediately. Salaam grew a beard and seems to have changed his lifestyle….or that was the outward behavior.

Oct–1974 to Oct 1979
This seems to be a dead era in the life of Dr. Salam.

When he won the Nobel Prize in roughly Oct 1979
Singh lies to us and claims that Abdus Salaam wasn’t fond of alcohol.  He claims that he Salaam only drank grape juice while his colleagues drank wine.  However, that is a lie…his colleagues tell us different.

The Ahmadi press mentions Salam
“I am filled with praise and glory to that holy Being Who accepted regular and continuous prayers of my present Imam, my parents and my friends of the Jamaat, thereby gladdening the hearts in the Islamic world and Pakistan”. (Qadiani newspaper Al-Fazl, Rabwah, Dated December 31, 1979).

Q: What do you have to say about the ‘Science Foundation’ established by Islamic Conference?

A: “A step in the right direction, I am indeed happy. But my original proposal was better than the present decision. I had prevailed upon Mr. Bhutto in 1974 to establish a Foundation with a capital of one billion dollars and the Summit Conference had agreed upon it, but nothing happened after that. Then in 1981, General Zia-ul-Haq agreed to raise this issue in the Summit at Taif. The ‘Foundation’ was established but the proposed capital was reduced to only 50 million dollars. I have now learnt that the actual amount received so far by the ‘Foundation’ is only 6 million dollars. You would agree with me that Muslim governments can give more than that”. (Daily ‘Al-Fazl’, Rabwah, Oct. 8,1984).

Zia invites Dr. Salaam to Pakistan in late 1979, after he wins the Nobel
After winning the nobel prize, with other scientists, Zia-ul-Haq wooed him to come back to Pakistan and possibly help Pakistan fight off the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and to receive the country’s highest civilian honour, Nishan-e-Imtiaz.  Dr. Salaam didn’t fly on commercial aircraft, instead, he flew on the Presidents aircraft (see pages 96-97, Singh).  Zia and Dr. Salaam clashed over budgetary expenses and a few weeks after Dr. Salaam arrived in Pakistan, he hastily made his exit.  He abandoned Pakistan at a crucial time, the USSR was wanting to invade Pakistan and Dr. Salaam simply didn’t care about his people. Again….Pakistan had limited funding…they were spending all of their money in wars…..and were teetering on bankruptcy. Dr. Salam even attended the Ahmadiyya Jalsa in Rabwah in December of 1979 under govt. escort. Then again in 1987, Zia invited Dr. Salam as an official guest of the Government of Pakistan. When Zia died in 1988, Dr. Salam rejoiced.

He turned his back on Pakistan 3 times
It should be noted that Salaam had many beefs with his own people.  Shortly after visiting Pakistan, he also visited India, with full governmental permission.  In fact, 99% of Pakistani’s are never given access to India after 1947.  But Ahmadi’s are given visit visa’s every single year for the Qadian Jalsa.

Norman Dombey on Dr. Salam’s Nobel
Normal Dombey recently posted on the arXiv Abdus Salam: A Reappraisal. PART I. How to Win the Nobel Prize which more or less seems to argue that Salam didn’t deserve his 1979 Nobel. He describes a lot of history I didn’t know, but I’m not completely convinced. Part of the argument seems to be that he stole the idea from Weinberg, and didn’t even know the importance of what he had stolen, but my impression was that no one, not even Weinberg, thought very much of the unified electroweak theory at the time. A quick look at the paper in his collected papers that I take to be the 1968 one that justified the Nobel to him appears to discuss the crucial points: a gauge theory with Higgs mechanism.

Unfortunately I don’t have more time now to look into this history carefully. If someone expert on this history has comments on the Dombey claims, that would be interesting.

April 1984-When Ord-XX passed in Pakistan
He seems to have been living in the UK in this era and never commented on this law.  The Khalifa had moved to London also.

Dr. Abdul Qadeer, our renowned nuclear scientist said about Salam

Q: “What do you have to say for the Nobel Award which Dr. Abdus Salam Qadiani has received”?

A: “That too has been awarded on the basis of motives. Dr. Abdus Salam had been trying to get a Nobel Prize since 1957. At last, on the hundredth birth anniversary of Einstein, the desired Prize was given to him. The fact is that Qadianis have a proper mission operating in Israel since long. Jews wanted to please some like-minded person on the occasion of Einstein�s anniversary and so Dr. Abdus Salam was favored”.  (Weekly Chattan, Lahore, February 6,1986)

By 1989, Dr. Salam was permanently in a wheel chair.  He had fell many times in Trieste, Italy, and now lived as a totally disabled human.  (see Cosmic Anger, page 260).  Salam carried on at Trieste, Italy, however, his speech became incomprehensible.

In the last 3 years of his life, he was mute, he was unable to speak, he was bed-ridden and unable to communicate with anyone.  He died of a rare brain disease.

Salam died in Oxford, Uk in 1996 and his body was transferred to Rabwah
Nasir Iqbal tells us:

“””Nasir told this author that one night Salam fell down in his Trieste residence where he resided all alone. He was hurt and bled and lay on the floor all night as he could not get up. He also was unable to call anyone or raise any kind of alarm. Pierre Agbedjro, who used to drive his official car, went inside his residence around 7.00 AM the next morning and saw him lying where he had fallen.”” (see

Apparently his Pakistani wife never wanted to live in Trieste as she felt lonely there.
Salam suffered from PSP – para supranuclear palsy.  Salam seems to have moved back to London while he was dying and eventually died in the house of Dr. Napier, and he lived his final days there.  After Salam died, his body was transported to Rabwah for burial.  Dr. Napier and her son were also in attendance.  Their son was 22 years old.  We are not sure where his daughter was.  Aziza, the eldest daughter of Abdus Salam and probably all of her sisters and brothers were there.

Umar Salam and his mother visited GCU on January 22, 2003 on an invitation from the university. He says a ceremony was held at the Salam Hall, also named after the Nobel Prize winner. He remembers different speakers appreciated the services of the scientist on the occasion.



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Abdus Salam – the human side


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Who is Shaikh Ata Muhammad?

He was the older brother of the famous Dr. Allama Iqbal. His father was Sheikh Nur Ahmad. He seems to have converted to Ahmadiyya in the late 1890’s. Ata Muhammad renounced Ahmadiyya some years before his death and none of his other children accepted it. Ejaz died an Ahmadi but none of his children accepted Ahmadiyya.

Links and Related Essays

Schimmel, Annemarie (1962). Gabriel’s wing: a study into the religious ideas of Sir Muhammad Iqbal. Brill Archive. pp. 34–45.

Mir, Mustansir (2006). Iqbal. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 1-84511-094-3.

Who is Sheikh Noor Muhammad (died 1930)

He was the father of Sir Muhammad Allama Iqbal. He was a Kashmiri Brahmin Sapru which had converted to Islam in the 19th century, when the Sikh Empire was conquering Kashmir, his grandfather’s family migrated to PunjabHe worked as a tailor, not formally educated, but a religious man (See Schimmel). He was married to Imam Bibi, a Punjabi Muslim from Sialkot, was described as a polite and humble woman who helped the poor and her neighbours with their problems. She died on 9 November 1914 in Sialkot. His eldest son was Shaikh Ata Muhammad, who also joined Ahmadiyya.

Links and Related Essays

Schimmel, Annemarie (1962). Gabriel’s wing: a study into the religious ideas of Sir Muhammad Iqbal. Brill Archive. pp. 34–45.

Mir, Mustansir (2006). Iqbal. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 1-84511-094-3.


The All India Kashmir Committee by Yasser Latif Hamdani wrote a blog on Ahrar-e-Hind on ‘Pak Tea House’ blog (2014)

Yasser Latif Hamdani became a major supporter of Ahmadi’s in roughly 2014, he also seems to have claimed asylum and came to the USA in the same time frame. He wrote about #Ahmadis and the The All India Kashmir Committee in that same era. Dr. Mohammad Iqbal nominated and voted for QK2 to become president of AIKC. As president QK2 asked all members of AIKC to take oath of confidentiality, i.e. what ever is spoken in meeting it will remain scret. This was done to give confidence to speakers to speak freely. But instead of keeping minutes of meeting secret, QK2 himself was providing information to Viceroy. Dr. Iqbal came to know about this when two Muslim office clerks in Viceroy office showed the original file to Dr. Iqbal. That was the origin of Dr. Iqbal turning away and against HMGA.

Links and Related Essays

Ahrar-e-Hind (TTP Mohmand Group) : the 21st Century reincarnation of Majlis-e-Ahrar-e-Islam Hind—“Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and the Construction of the Ahmadi Identity”


Facebook to its moderators: Look out for phrase ‘Free Kashmir’

Copland, Ian, “Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931-34”, which was published in an academic journal entitled: “PACIFIC AFFAIRS”, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Summer, 1981), pp. 228-259 (32 pages), Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia

Heroes of Kashmir : Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil

#yuzasaf #jesusinindia #kashmir


#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiMosqueattack #AhmadiyyaPersecution #Mosqueattack #trueislam #atifmian
#yuzasaf #rozabal #jesusinindia #allindiakashmircommittee #kashmir #jammu

Formation of Khuddamul Ahmadiyya: An Intolerant Approach by Mirza Mahmud Ahmad

This entire entry was taken from islam/ahmadiyya reddit.

A while ago on Twitter, I opined that making children as young as 7 year old repeat a word by word pledge in which it says “I bear witness, Muhammad was a Messenger of Allah” could be considered as indoctrination. Many Ahmadis jumped into comment on it and many of them had some meaningful insights to share. One of their major argument was:

“””Ahmadis Children are encouraged to learn about other religions and faiths, and then reach a conclusion themselves using their own reason.”””

Anyway, while many Ahmadis honestly believe Ahmadiyyat completely makes sense and they raise children in such a way which encourages them to use reason, the story of formation of Khuddamul Ahmadiyya by Mirza Mahmud is not a one which gave freedom of choice or reason.

One twitter user, somewhere posted about this based on the writings from a book called Mash Ale Rah by Mirza Mahmud which is available on in Urdu. Since I don’t understand Urdu. I asked about the meaning of this to a friend of mine and she gave me an overall meaning which I found alarming.

So I decided to post about this under a Twitter post of an Ahmadi (Imam I think) who was talking about how Mirza Mahmud was a champion of youth by finding Khuddamul Ahmadiyya, the Youth Association. Here, I shared the screenshots from the book and asked them whether Mirza Mahmur ordered parents, family and friends to boycott, for a day, Ahmadis who refuses to Join Khuddam like a “dirty cloth thrown out of the home”. If you can read Urdu you can find the pages at: (Page 207 & 208 | Pdf pages 215 & 216)

Anyway, after hours, no Ahmadi shared anything (I hope they’ll come up with some explanation soon) but another exAhmadi BeyondAhmadiyya gave some insights about what Mirza Mahmud Ahmad said in those pages. Which are:

> Mirza Mahmud is talking about the creation of the auxiliaries (khuddam, atfal, ansar). He specified that to recruit khuddam there should be a 15-day recruitment duration when all young men at each selected mosque/location should sign up.

> For those that refuse to sign up, they are to be punished for 3 days through complete social boycott. Mom, dad, siblings, close friends/family won’t be allowed to speak to them. They will only be provided food by the other khuddam.
[I find it very Cultish and cruel. If accurate, Mahmud is asking everyone to boycott a 15 year old kid and only Khuddam (members of the institution in which he is not ready to participate) are allowed to give him food. It’s like a Psychological torture]

> Those who signed up but didn’t do the job assigned them. They are to receive the same social boycott as the others for one day. In addition, they are to be thrown out of the house (like a dirty rag) for 24 hours. Only food will be provided.

> On first page (pg.207) it also says that those who flat out don’t join within the given 15 days will be expelled.

I don’t find any of this as freedom of choice or encouraging reason rather forcing a 15 year old kid to join an institution he’s not willing to participate.

Links and Related Essays

#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiMosqueattack #AhmadiyyaPersecution #trueislam

The All-India-Kashmir-Committee (AIKC) of 1931

In 1931, right after the famous Kashmir riots, wherein the Maharaja Hari Singh ordered his soldiers to shoot and kill all protesters, the Ahmadiyya Movement was deployed by the British government to infiltrate Kashmir and pretend like they cared about the plight of Jammu and the Kashmir valley, which extended over modern day Azad Kashmir. By 1933, the Ahmadi’s were forced out of the politics of the Jammu and the Kashmir valley, which was under the rule of the Maharaja Hari Singh. However, by 1947, they were back in. In 1947, the Pakistani government asked the Khalifa, Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad to take over the administration of Azad Kashmir, which he did, he appointed an Ahmadi as the first Prime Minister, his name was Ghulam Nabi Gilkar. This only lasted for about a year. Years later, the truth came out, Ahmadi’s led by their Khalifa, Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad only entered into the Kashmir conflict in 1931 as an attempt to make their Khalifa a hero of the Kashmiri people and thus convert them to Ahmadiyya. However, the Muslims of Kashmir rebelled to Ahmadi leadership and thus the Ahmadi’s failed. To this day, they seem to only have 1 mosque in Kashmir and one mosque in Jammu. In terms of Azad Kashmir, they seem to have 4-5 mosques that they took over in 1947 and retained.

Punjabi Muslims founded the All-India Muslim Kashmir Conference in Lahore. In actuality, it was more of a symbolic gesture than a radical call to action, and it took close to twenty years of nearly complete dormancy before the committee was revived with wide recognition and mass public it. (The name also appears as the Muslim Kashmiri Conference. For example, see Ayesha Jalal, Self and Sovereignty, p. 352).(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”, ).

A state sponsored scholarship committee consisting entirely of Hindu members had selected eleven out of twelve possible awards to be given to Hindu students, leaving only one scholarship for a Muslim candidate. The selection, which the government defended as a decision based entirely on ‘merit’, fueled the prevalent sense of injustice and inequality that led many to believe that the government was committed to truncating opportunities for Muslims before they ever entered the workforce (See IOR R /l/1/2154 in the Report of the Srinagar Riot Enquiry Committee (24 September 1931), p. 17).(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”, )

The Khalifa, Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad visits Jammu, Kashmir.

By the early 1930’s the Dogra Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir, Hari Singh, had developed a reputation for highhanded treatment of his Muslim majority subjects. Moreover, the growth of political dissent in Muslim areas coincided with a severe international economic depression whose effects Kashmir could not escape. Heavy taxation resulting from the government’s mistaken assessment of agricultural production had left many families in hardship. Additionally, within the urban areas many qualified Kashmiris were increasingly finding themselves without suitable work, which was only adding to the popular perception of Muslim victimization. Opportunities for Kashmiri Muslims were diminishing on many different social levels and half-hearted attempts to remedy the situation were failing miserably. Still, Kashmiri Muslims bore their socio-economic plight with ‘remarkably little organized resistance’ until the summer of 1931 when things began to change (See Ayesha Jalal, Self and Sovereignty, p. 354 and Khan).(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

1931, June 5th
The underlying tensions, which had been building steadily for decades, reached their boiling point on 5 June 1931 when a Hindu head constable of police had reportedly ordered a subordinate Muslim constable to stop reading the Qur’an. After calling the recitation nonsense (bakwas), the head constable proceeded to snatch the Qur’an from the hands of the subordinate officer and throw it away in the trash (((see IORR/l/1/2064 in the Fortnightly Report for the first half of June 1931 from the Resident of Kashmir (19 June 1931). The Riot Enquiry Committee later found that the Muslim constable had in fact exaggerated the event. Officially, the Muslim constable was reprimanded for failing to put his bedding away in the early morning hours, which was beyond the permissible time, and not for his recitation o f the Qur’an. Nevertheless, the head constable’s reaction was to grab the wad of bedding and crassly throw it away. Wrapped up in the bedding w as a copy of the panj (five) surah, the first five sections of the Qur’an. Interestingly, the outcome of the incident resulted in the retirement of the head constable and the dismissal o f his subordinate Muslim officer. For the official report, see IOR R /l/1/2154 in the Report of the Srinagar Riot Enquiry Committee (24 September 1931), p. 20))(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

1931, June 21st
Towards the end of June 1931 a ‘European’s cook’ named ‘Abd al-Qadir was arrested for making a seditious speech at Srinagar’s khanaqah mu’alia (The date recorded in the Report of the Srinagar Riot Enquiry Committee for the speech is 21 June 1931, whereas the Fortnightly Report for the first half of July 1931 from the Resident of Kashmir states that the arrest was made on 1 July 1931). His radicalized intonation and violent objectives involved inciting listeners ‘to kill Hindus and burn their temples (IOR R/l/1/2064 Fortnightly Report for the first half of July 1931 from the Resident of Kashmir (17July 1931)(See Khan).  The government tried to control the hype surrounding the trial by conducting the proceedings in secret within the Srinagar jail where ‘Abd al- Qadir was being detained. The Darbar believed that the privacy of a swift closed trial would prevent excessive public excitement and counter precisely what India’s newspapers had been provoking for the past few weeks. However, when whisperings of a ‘secret trial’ mysteriously leaked out the night before the arraignment, imminent disaster was unavoidable.(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

1931, July 13th
The situation became so critical the then Maharajah resorted to brutal force and seventy two Kashmiris were killed and hundreds wounded. Thousands of demonstrators arrived at the Srinagar jail on 13 July 1931 to protest the proceedings inside. As the time for obligatory prayer approached one Kashmiri stood up to deliver Adhan. The Dogra Governor Ray Zada Tartilok Chand ordered his soldiers to open fire on him. When he was killed another Kashmiri stood up to continue the Adhan from the verse where the Adhan had been broken. He too was killed. A total of 22 Kashmiris were killed trying to complete delivering the Adhan[2]

In retrospect, it is understandable why so many people believed that the secrecy of the trial was simply another Dogra conspiracy to continue oppressing Muslims. Though the police had been summoned in the early morning hours, their failure to appreciate the magnitude of the situation and their overall lackadaisical attitude prevented them from arriving at the jail until the afternoon, when they came ill prepared.(( Although this account was taken largely from government documents and reports, it differs from Spencer Lavan’s independent reading o f the same reports. Lavan said that ‘the [Riots Enquiry] Commission upheld the actions of the Maharajah and commended his prompt dispatching of troops to prevent further troubles.’ See Spencer Lavan, The Ahmadiyah Movement, p. 161, in footnote 8. However, the report of the Enquiry Commission also criticized the attitude of the police and their implementation of these orders. See IOR R/l/1/2154 in the Report of the Srinagar Riot Enquiry Committee (24 September 1931), pp. 4-5.))(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

As the protest intensified, the audacity of the crowd turned into belligerence. Irascible protestors began hurling stones and bricks at the guards as they surrounded the prison and proceeded to shake the telephone lines furiously until the lines were finally cut off. The guards intermittently fired warning shots with ephemeral effects, but the crowd became more hostile and tried to set fire to the prison. The guards opened fire killing ten protesters almost immediately and successfully dispersed the crowd away from the prison. The mob carried the bodies back to the city, shouting slogans and waving banners soaked in the blood of the dead, where rioters devastated the Maharaj-ganj bazaar, which was located in the Hindu quarters of Srinagar, and looted a number of shops ((See IOR R/l/1/2154 in the Report of the Srinagar Riot Enquiry Committee (24 September 1931) for the official report on the riots. Additionally, it is worth noting that Dost Muhammad Shahid’s Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5, contains some rare photographs which are located in an insert between pp. 406-407, depicting some very disturbing scenes of the victims, including children, amidst the bereaved at the Jamia Masjid, Srinagar where the bodies were taken following the riots. He has also included photographs of large crowds of women protestors demonstrating and of the Maharaja’s troops when they surrounded the mosque in the weeks following the riots. It is also worth noting that most Muslim accounts indicate substantially higher death tolls, including Shahid’s own account, which numbers those injured to be in the low hundreds)).(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

1931, 25 July 
On 25 July 1931, the Lahore based All-India Muslim Kashmir Conference held a meeting in Shimla at the house of Sir Muhammad Zulfiqar ‘Ali Khan(Who was the brother-in-law of the Khalifa), to determine their course of action. Many notable dignitaries were present, including Sir Muhammad Iqbal, Sir Mian Fazl-i Husain, (the Nawab of Malerkotla) Sir Muhammad Zulfiqar ‘Ali Khan(Who was the brother-in-law of the Khalifa), (Shams a l-‘Ulama) Khwaja Hasan Nizami of Delhi, Khan Bahadur Shaykh Rahim Bakhsh, and several other Nawabs, a Deobandi professor, and high ranking administrators from both the Siyasat and Muslim Outlook newspapers. On Iqbal’s nomination, the members unanimously agreed that Mirza Bashir al-Din Mahmud Ahmad should become president, with ‘Abd al-Rahim Dard as his secretary, of what they called the All-India Kashmir Committee (AIKC)(see Dost Muhammad Shahid, Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5, pp. 415-416, has his account of the committee’s formation and pp. 419-421, has the full list of members)(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

This inaugural meeting at Shimla was important for several reasons. The motivating circumstances throughout the All-India Muslim Kashmir Conference’s former period of impotence had not really changed by 1931. The All-India Kashmir Committee still had no clear grounds for agency in the sense that there was no official sponsorship from any o f the three governments (Kashmir, India, and Britain) involved, no definitive goals or reasons for its existence, and no Kashmiri lobby officially asking for its help. For all intents and purposes, the AIKC was no different than it had always been during its quieter years throughout the earlier part of the 20th century. Prior to the meeting at Shimla, the committee was an unorganized group of influential and wealthy Muslims, predominantly from the Punjab, who were understandably upset about the conditions of their co-religionists in Kashmir. Nonetheless, their shared sentiment did not translate into practical power on the other side of the border in Kashmir. Shimla marked the beginning of several significant changes that altered the role of the committee and the struggle for Muslim independence in Kashmir. In virtue of the fact that the meeting took place in Shimla, instead of somewhere more convenient like the committee’s previous headquarters in Lahore, the AIKC had already taken on a more national appearance that extended beyond the Punjab. The new members who were present at Shimla, and those who joined them soon thereafter, were truly a better representation of an ‘All-India’ organization that stretched from the Frontier in the west to the Bengal in the east. The augmented geographic boundaries were a clear step towards establishing credibility. Now at the very least the All-India Kashmir Committee could produce non-Punjabi members who held meetings in one of the nation’s capitals.(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

1931–July 25th to August 13th
The Khalifa, Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad’s objectives were to find ‘Ahmadi’ solutions to a set of sophisticated political problems. Leading a successful lobby on behalf of the AIKC in India was a challenge, but ensuring that they had a practical impact on the streets of Kashmir was an entirely different matter. Mahmud Ahmad knew that only Kashmiris could determine the fate of Kashmir. Offensively, he needed to mobilize Kashmiri Muslims against a stagnant Dogra government, while defensively, he needed to ward off the attacks and constant criticism from the Ahrari opposition. Neither of these were easy tasks. Had the Darbar been willing to respond to civil sentiments, either through the implementation of various changes in public policy or perhaps by initiating an attempt to bring about these changes in the near future, it is likely that a great deal of social anxiety could have been avoided. Resolving the problem of reconciliation after the crisis had begun was not a viable option once mainstream members of Kashmiri society had felt it necessary to resort to rioting and civil disobedience en masse. Many Kashmiri Muslims were weary of the government and were no longer willing to entertain the idea of diplomatic negotiations. Both the severity of the violence and the widespread consent that the masses expressed during the communal disturbances made it exceedingly difficult to stop the crisis by finding a tempered solution. Furthermore, reconciliation needed to take place in the backdrop of groups like the Ahrar, who based many of their activities on reciprocating a refined rhetoric of hatred back into the public ear.(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

Once again, Mahmud Ahmad’s methodology in resolving the conflict in Kashmir was to utilize the Jama‘at’s excellent contacts in the region and its superb organizational structure as an asset. The organizational structure itself gave Mahmud Ahmad a considerable advantage over his opposition, as it was drastically different from any other Muslim group of the time with the exception of the Isma’ilis. Considering that Mahmud Ahmad was personally responsible for setting up the Jama’at’s organizational structure in the first place, it is not surprising that he was quick to use the Jamaat’s institutionalized framework to enter into an international
political crisis. He had always intended for his Jamaat to compete for the dominant leadership of the Muslim world, thereby enabling the Ahmadi khilafat (which is to say his own khilafat) to reign supreme over the umma. This is why Mahmud Ahmad never had fully supported the Khilafat Movement, because it would have undermined his own claim to khilafat.(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

The AIKC needed authentication from the Kashmiri masses in order to have a lasting effect in Kashmir. Mahmud Ahmad knew that he needed to balance the support of the Kashmiri mainstream with the logistics of an international resistance. He established a Publicity Committee whose only function was to bombard the Indian Press with news and perspectives on the internal situation in Jammu and Kashmir. They publicized pertinent issues amongst Muslims throughout the subcontinent who were potentially unaware of the most recent internal developments in Kashmir or the AIKC’s response to the crisis (Dost Muhammad Shahid, Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5, p. 433). Then Mahmud Ahmad ordered the establishment of numerous Kashmiri Independence Offices (otherwise known as Reading Rooms) throughout Jammu and Kashmir, but shrewdly forbade his Ahmadi disciples from holding positions of leadership within them (Dost Muhammad Shahid, Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5  pp. 444-445). This further created the impression of a highly organized internal resistance that was taking shape with Muslims coming together from within the state’s borders, which otherwise appeared to have been highly implausible. His strategy was devised to mislead onlookers who were trying to assess the threat of Kashmiri Muslims by showing them the borrowed framework of a well-organized institution that was already in place. Hence, government officials were thoroughly dismayed when they were confronted with an utterly unified network of Reading Rooms that were popping up throughout the state and were simply nonexistent in the weeks and months prior to the riots. This should have been impossible, and no one had predicted that the leaders of the agitations were capable of organizing themselves to a level of competence as rapidly as they had done in
Kashmir. The Darbar faced an unfolding situation that gave the outward appearance of a disgruntled Muslim mainstream that was conflating into a collective resistance with unbelievable efficiency. Realistically, the underlying structure of Jama‘at-i Ahmadiyya had taken nearly 40 years to establish itself in this fashion, but for the Dogra officials who were wondering how a similar organizational structure was materializing virtually overnight, it must have been terrifying. It meant that they had grossly underestimated the magnitude of the situation that was developing in their own state and radically misjudged the threat of Muslim resistance.

With the infrastructure beginning to take shape, Mahmud Ahmad needed to find an inspired Kashmiri spokesperson who he could use as a puppet for his own cause. He summoned roughly 15 to 20 potential candidates to Qadian for a personal interview, so that he could get a better idea of whom he would be working with in the future (Dost Muhammad Shahid, Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5,  p. 445. Dost Muhammad Shahid did not provide the names of the individuals in question, but his account inferred that they were all reasonably young activists who were already making a name for them selves in Jammu and Kashmir).  When the meetings were complete and Mahmud Ahmad had assessed the situation, he asked the Kashmiri delegation if they knew of any other potential leaders from within Kashmir’s independence movement who had not joined them in Qadian. The entourage concurred that there was a Shaykh Muhammad ‘Abdullah of Srinagar who could not risk leaving Kashmir out of the fear that the Darbar would not permit his re-entry into the state. This response was provocative enough to pique Mahmud Ahmad’s interest, so he made arrangements to meet Shaykh ‘Abdullah at a border town called Garhi Habibullah. In a true Bollywood style masquerade, ‘Abd al-Rahim Dard smuggled Shaykh ‘Abdullah, tucked under a blanket and hidden in the backseat
of his carriage, across the Indian border into Garhi Habibullah (which is just north of modern day islamabad) to meet the AIKC’s new president. When the meeting with Mirza Mahmud Ahmad was over, Shaykh ‘Abdullah was smuggled back into Kashmir in the same manner in which he arrived (Dost Muhammad Shahid, Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5,  pp. 446-447).

The scheme was a success and the agreement was simple. Shaykh ‘Abdullah’s instructions were to set up an office in Srinagar from which he could devote his fulltime attention to the independence movement. Shaykh ‘Abdullah’s task was to establish some type of newspaper or periodical to disseminate information and publicize the resistance internally. He founded the Islah newsletter, which introduced a rare Muslim mouthpiece from within the borders of Kashmir that was created purely for the promotion of the independence movement. Mirza Mahmud Ahmad was aware that it was inappropriate for him to intervene as the khalifa, because the majority of Muslims in Kashmir were not his Ahmadi disciples. Likewise, at this point the AIKC was more of a facade for Jama‘at-i Ahmadiyya than anything else, despite the inherent potential of its influential membership. In the historical context, a newspaper was itself a major organ for communicating ideas throughout the subcontinent during this period. It was one of the few means by which major leaders of this era could spread their ideas beyond their immediate vicinities and beyond the crowds of the local mosques who emerged following the Friday prayers For this reason, Shaykh ‘Abdullah’s easy access to the press instantly made him a major player in the eyes of the government observers who were studiously tracking the development of the situation. In fact, the impact of Shaykh ‘Abdullah’s ideas circulating through the Kashmiri press may have been more influential than Mahmud Ahmad expected, due to other historical circumstances surrounding the Kashmiri press. In the early years of the conflict, Kashmir’s reinvigorated press was taking advantage of the Dogra rulers’ recent relaxation in censorship of Muslim publications, which they had enforced up to 1932.

Shaykh ‘Abdullah fulfilled his obligations through the early 1930’s by incessantly publishing articles that made explicit appeals to the All-India Kashmir Committee, virtually begging for their intercession in the ongoing affair. This alone gave Mirza Mahmud adequate legitimacy for the AIKC and enough leeway to enfranchise his organization’s authority from neighbouring India. Now he possessed the freedom to pursue matters in Jammu and Kashmir as he saw fit while acting on behalf of the AIKC as their rightful president. In return for the internal publicity of the AIKC and the public appeals for their intervention, Shaykh ‘Abdullah, who did not come from an affluent background and lacked his own resources, received the necessary funding to run and sustain his independence movement office in Srinagar. The initial amount agreed upon at Garhi Habibullah was a base allowance of Rs. 238 per month with a potential for increase, which was a generous figure for the time (Dost Muhammad Shahid, Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5, p. 447. There are also several photocopies of handwritten letters from Shaykh ‘Abdullah to Mirza Mahmud Ahmad, which detail other donations and have been inserted at the end of vol. 5, between pp. 630-631; see also lan Copland, ‘Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931-1934,’ Pacific Affairs (1981), Vol. 54, N o . 2, (Summer, 1981), p. 237. Copland’s account is vague but reasonably consistent with Dost Muhammad Shahid, although he did not cite the sources for his information; see also Janbaz Mirza, Karvan-i Ahrar, Vol. 1, (Lahore: Maktabah-i Tabassira, 1975), p. 369, for the similar sentiment that he expressed regarding their financial ties.

Mirza Mahmud had a meeting, first with the Political Secretary of the Government of India incharge of the States and latter called on the Viceroy, Lord Willigdon on 1st August 1931 and stressed the desirability of British interference in the internal affairs of Kashmir. The Viceroy demanded time for taking any suitable action. However, he liked Mirza Mahmud’s proposal for sending delegation to Kashmir comprising Nawab Zulriqar Ali, Khan Bahadur Rahim Bux, Khawaja Hasan Nizami, Dard and Maulana Ismail Ghaznavi to look into the situation. Later the name of Dr. Iqbal was included into it. Dr. Iqbal strongly opposed this proposal as it was considered to be against the larger interest of Kashmir Muslims. He thought that it was premature at that stage and would only provide a tool to the Kashmir Government to exploit the affairs in Kashmir. He, instead, proposed to send a three men mission including Mirza Mahmud, to London to explain the problem to the British public and Parliament. He promised to criticize boldly Kashmir Administration in case he found some time during the RTC (Round Table Conference). Mirza Mahmud claims that he knew well the Maharaja would not agree to the proposal so he cared not consider Dr.Iqbal’s suggestion. He was on look to find an opportunity to persuade the Viceroy to interfere in the State affairs. The Maharaja rejected the delegation proposal as was anticipated. Mirza Mahmud claims that the Viceroy came to realize that the British Government had to interfere sooner or later in Kashmir affairs.((Tarikh-I-Ahmadya Vol. VI. P. 499)).

Sir Agha Khan, Sir Shafi, Dr. Iqbal and Sir Zafarullah called on the Secretary of State for India, separately during the RTC London and discussed Kashmir issue with him. The Secretary of State for India later informed the President AIKC (Mirza Mahmud) that the correspondence had been started with the State on the issue. ((Tarikh-I-Ahmadya Vol. VI. P. 508)).

1931, August 14th
The riots marked the beginning of three long years of strife, disturbances, and political unrest throughout the State of Jammu and Kashmir. The communal tensions had taken decades to build up and took equally as long to simmer down. In the weeks that followed, Muslim shopkeepers declared a hartal (strike) by refusing to open for business, which brought much of Srinagar’s daily commerce to a standstill. Muslims continued their acts of noncompliance by refusing to take part in the official Riot Enquiry Committee, despite repeated offers from the Darbar (See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”). All of these factors came together in the Kashmir crisis in the 1930s, which amounted to a large network of global support with vast resources that applied internal and external pressure on the three relevant governments (Kashmir, India, and Britain) involved, in order to resolve the conflict in Kashmir. The inability to determine the significance and role of each key figure in the Muslim leadership must have been frustrating for government officials. This enabled Mahmud Ahmad to exercise various levels of control over the government and the Kashmiri mainstream by voicing similar concerns through dissimilar outlets, which thereby influenced a broader constituency than he normally could access through his own personal reach. His connections with revolutionary demagogues like Shaykh ‘Abdullah, who represented the Muslim sentiment of a country, to idealized literary icons like Iqbal, who represent the Muslim sentiment of an era, enabled Mahmud Ahmad to impose his influence throughout the region. Mahmud Ahmad could now personally meet with the Viceroy and threaten him with various courses of action (Dost Muhammad Shahid, Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5, p. 452), such as the increased civil disobedience and the mass boycott of shopkeepers (hartal) of August 1931.He would intimidate government officials by threatening to resign as president of the AIKC and requesting its supporters to comply with the Ahrar’s objectives, which presumably would have resulted in a more violent conclusion to the crisis. Mahmud Ahmad in his capacity as the president of the AIKC exerted whatever pressure he could on the British and Indian governments to intervene in
Kashmir, since he was convinced that immediate British intervention was the best political solution for the conflict. He believed that immediate British intervention would displace Dogra rule and eventually give the Muslims of Kashmir the best chance for independence. Although this was an indirect route to Kashmiri independence, it may have been a reasonable plan considering the enduring violence and tension in Kashmir in recent years. Despite Mahmud Ahmad’s attempts, the British were resolved to let the Kashmiris settle their own problems while they intervened sparingly and only when necessary. This attitude eventually exacerbated
the ideological conflict between Mahmud Ahmad and his opponents, including Shaykh ‘Abdullah, who from the beginning had insisted on the creation of an independent Kashmir.

1931, August 15th
Muslim representatives gave an address to the Maharajah on 15 August. These representatives included Mirwaiz Moulvi Mohammed Yousuf Shah, Mirwaiz Hamadani, Syed Hussain Shah Jalali, Saad-ud-din Shawl, Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah, Ghulam Ahmad Ashai, Yaqub Ali, Munshi Shahab-ud-Din, Ghulam Abbas and Gauhar Rehman. The Government ordered the release of some Kashmir Leaders. They, however, impressed upon the Government that unless their demands were accepted, there was no sense in releasing them. The Government thereupon allowed them to present a memorandum of their grievances to the Maharaja. The initial draft was prepared by Ghulam Ahmad Ashai (Qadiani). It was carried to Lahore by A.R. Dard to be shown to the AIKC. It was still under scrutiny when Abdullah was arrested on 21 September. A public meeting was held in Srinagar and a ‘War Council’ was formed to carry out the agitation.

1931, 12-13th of September
The AIKC held meeting in Sialkot on 12-13 September 1931.

1931, 21 September
Shaikh Abdullah is arrested for giving a speech that is anti the Maharaja (See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

1931, 23 September
A crowd of 15,000 dissidents armed with staffs and axes amassed at the house of Sa‘d al-Din, one of the local Muslims who had become a celebrity in the past few weeks for refusing to take part in the Riot Enquiry Committee. This time the local Hindu population was fortunate because the rioters apparently had ‘no quarrel with Hindus, but [rather] ha[d] declared Jihad against His Highness’ government ((IOR R /l/1 /2 155(1) in Telegram No. 6 0-6 (24 September 1931) from the Resident of Kashmir)).(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

1931, 24 September
Martial Law (Ordinance 19L) was passed that gave ordinary members of the military and police extraordinary powers to control ‘turbulent persons’ by making arrests and taking possession of their property without any warrant ((IOR R /l/1 /2 155(1) in Telegram No. 6 0-6 (24 September 1931) from the Resident of Kashmir, there is a booklet of the ordinance entitled Notification o f No. 19-L of 1988.)) The ordinance even incorporated a clause, which made ‘dissuading’ others from military enlistment a prosecutable offence that was punishable by one year in prison, flogging, or both ((IOR R /l/1 /2 155(1) in Telegram No. 6 0-6 (24 September 1931) from the Resident of Kashmir)). Reactionary responses and retaliation came from both sides. (See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).  Since the ordinance permitted legal action to be taken that was based solely on suspicion, when such a case went to trial it invariably reduced to one individual’s word against the other. The AIKC sent teams of attorneys to Kashmir and instructed them to assess the situation and defend any individual who had been wrongfully
detained or whose property had been wrongfully confiscated. Although there appear to be several cases where wealthy Kashmiris had their properties or businesses seized by the Darbar, the majority of cases appear to involve lower class Kashmiris with no means of finding a recourse to legal counsel. The lawyers went to major cities in Jammu and Kashmir at their own expense as volunteers of the AIKC and invested their own time and money. Naturally, the AIKC’s legal team included several prominent Ahmadis who were primarily responding to their khalifa’s instructions, such as Shaykh Bashir Ahmad (who later became a High Court Justice in Lahore),
Chauhdry Muhammad Yusuf Khan, Shaykh Muhammad Ahmad Mazhar (who authored numerous lexicons pertaining to Ghulam Ahmad’s linguistic theory), Chauhdry Asadullah Khan (the younger brother of Zafrulla Khan), and several others. Remarkably, Dost Muhammad Shahid has recorded the details of hundreds of such cases that were acquitted or overturned due to the efforts of the AIKC’s legal team (Dost Muhammad Shahid, Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5, pp. 535-554. This section is further split by each individual attorney’s name and the details of their personal legal contributions) and counsel throughout the early 1930’s. Some of the AIKC’s internal support and services, such as the legal contributions, medical relief, and the scholarship funds, were unique in the sense that their interface with the Kashmiri public was deep rooted enough to directly impact the individuals who were presumably the most affected. Within the AIKC, Mahmud Ahmad had a number of other influential contacts with whom he was collaborating to support his initiatives. Iqbal’s sentimental connection to Kashmir is well known and often attributed to his family’s Kashmiri background. His lifelong contributions and poetry about the struggles of the Muslims of Kashmir and India overall have been well documented. Similarly, it is known that Mian Fazl-i Husain’s influence played an important role in stabilizing support for AIKC. As with Iqbal, Mian Fazl-i Husain’s contributions in the way of the broader independence movement have been recognized by the historians of South Asia, but their personal relations and social contacts alongside their professional affiliations are often overlooked. In the Ahmadi-specific context, Mian Fazl-i Husain claimed to have a ‘great regard’ for Maulana Muhammad Ali of the Lahori branch. Furthermore, he had been mentoring a young Chauhdry Muhammad Zafrulla Khan for some time, another devoted member of the Jama’at who had entered the movement at the hand of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad.

1931, 25 September
Following the Friday prayers in the town of Shopian (south of Srinagar)(Molvi Abdullah was from Shopian), a mob of Muslims attacked a sub-inspector and eight constables who had been ‘watching the prayers’ and killed one head constable. Military reinforcements soon arrived opening fire, which killed another and wounded at least seven more ((IOR R /l/1 /2 0 6 4 Fortnightly Report for the second half of September 1931 from the Resident of Kashmir, F.9-C /30 (3 October 1931); See also, IOR R/l/l/2155 (l))).  Meanwhile, with the threat of the new ordinance looming, the British Resident of Kashmir was led to believe that a ‘rapid improvement’ of troop morale was taking place. His mistaken assessment only lasted until he began receiving reports from ‘Europeans’ who were complaining that Hindus were abusing their newly acquired powers. Some Hindu officers had interpreted the ordinance to justify thrashing any Muslim who failed to say, ‘Maharaja sahib ki jay’ [victory to the Maharaja]’ whenever passing a member o f military or police. Indeed this unacceptable behaviour was corrected as soon as possible, but a few Muslims in Srinagar had already been ‘severely’ beaten ((IOR R /l/1 /2 0 6 4 Fortnightly Report for the second half of September 1931 from the Resident of Kashmir, F.9-C /30 (3 October 1931); See also, IOR R/l/l/2155 (l))).(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).  

1931, 24 October
The AIKC held a meeting at Lahore on 24 October 1931. The Committee arranged for the publication of Kashmir news in the British press. Certain sections of the British press supported the demand of Kashmir Muslims which included the expulsion of Kaul from the State and introduction of reforms. Farzad Ali of London ‘Mosque’ organized a campaign in London. The matter was raised several times in the British Parliament. 32 The British public opinion was not much in favour of the Maharaja. He had flamboyantly delivered pro-Congress speech at the RTC, enraging his Imperialist masters. Forgetting his position as vassal, he had also been rather haughty towards the British Resident ever since he ascended the throne.  On the occasion of his 26th birthday on October 1931, the Maharaja in a darbar held in Srinagar, announced the release of all political prisoners and withdrawal of Notification No.19 L as well as other emergency laws. The Muslims were called upon to present their erstwhile memorandum of grievances on 16 October 1931. The memorandum drafted by AIKC was presented to the Maharaja by an eleven-member delegation which gave an outline of the constitutional reforms.

1931, Oct and November
IOR R/1/1/2164 in Fortnightly Report for the second half of October 1931 from the Resident of
Kashmir, F.9-C/30 (3 November 1931); see also IOR R/1/1/2531 in File No. 91 -Political (17 January 1934), in which a warning was sent to B. J. Glancy of the Glancy Commission cautioning that Shaykh ‘Abdullah is an Ahmadi even though he may say that he is not. The conclusion expressed in the file was that the authenticity of the source was dubious and likely to be linked to the opposition (i.e. the Ahrar), who were threatening to publish the fraudulent letter when ‘it suits them ’, as was repeatedly the case throughout Shaykh ‘Abdullah’s career. It is surprising that his affiliations with Jama‘at-i Ahmadiyya were persistently an issue with the Darbar as late as 1934, even though both Ahmadi officials and Shaykh ‘Abdullah himself consistently denied his religious commitment to the community(See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

1931, December
In December 1931, Zafrulla Khan was elected president of the All-India Muslim League. Despite the overt animosity expressed by Ahrari protesters, Zafrulla Khan continued as president of the Muslim League until June 1932 when he resigned from the position to fulfil his next task. Mian Fazl-i Husain had been a member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council from 1930 to 1935 but his
declining health had forced him to take a four-month leave of absence during the summer of 1932. Upon his recommendation, Zafrulla Khan took Fazl-i Husain’s place on the Viceroy’s Executive Council throughout the summer of 1932, which was a bold move considering Zafrulla’s age, inexperience, and lack of seniority. In his diary, Mian Fazl-i Husain admitted: “If it comes off, it will be a startling appointment.” However, Zafrulla Khan’s political aptitude and reputation were developing quickly. His closeness to such eminent personalities afforded him the opportunity to discuss the Kashmir matter personally with the Viceroy in the early 1930’s. Zafrulla Khan was an invaluable asset to Mirza Mahmud Ahmad and the AIKC during the Kashmir crisis, and perhaps even more so following the partition, as we will see below.

1932, January
On 30 January 1932, Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah delivered a sermon at Khanqah-e-Naqshbandia in which he accused Shaikh Abdullah of being a Qadiani. Everyone knew that I (Shaikh Abdullah) was a Sunni, of the Hanafi sect. This event took place in the dead of winter when most Kashmiris do not leave their houses without their kartgris [braziers]. During the altercations which followed his allegation, these kangris were freely used as trajectories, injuring a number of people (Sheikh Abdullah, Flames of the Chinar, p. 39).

1932, March
The Glancy Commission presents its report to the British government.

1932, March 22nd
Per Lavan, Colonel Elliot James Dowell Colvin (27 July 1885 in London, England – 1950 in DelhiIndia) was appointed as Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir.

1932, May
Mirza Mahmud Ahmad, this time on behalf of Jama‘at-i Ahmadiyya, established a new scholarship fund for Muslim students studying in Kashmir. With an additional Rs. 200 per month, Shaykh ‘Abdullah could establish a suitable boarding house with a fulltime cook, which enabled 20 promising candidates the opportunity to pursue a higher education each year (See Dost Muhammad Shahid, Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5, p. 448), (See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”). Although this may not seem like a significant number of students at first, it was considerably larger than the government’s offer from 1927, which had created such a stir and wasfollowed by accusations of Hindu favouritism. Nevertheless, the new scholarship fund contained enough awards to woo Muslim favour in Kashmir and increase positive publicity for Jama‘at-i Ahmadiyya at a reasonable price. Pragmatically, increasing revenues was never a problem for Mirza Mahmud Ahmad, His foresight and ingenuity enabled him to construct somewhat of a fund raising industry that was beginning to perpetuate itself. There was a circular return as finances were being channelled back into the same system from which they emerged. Shaykh ‘Abdullah’s frequent public displays of approval for the AIKC’s initiatives had loosened the pockets of the committee’s wealthier members, which sparked an increase in donations as well as a broader ‘All-Indian’ membership to stretch its roster. Likewise, growing numbers of underprivileged Kashmiris were willing to support a movement that was having a visible impact on the ground and producing tangible results, such as stipends for the families of the deceased and medical provisions for those injured in the riots (See Dost Muhammad Shahid, Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5, pp. 470-471), (See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”). Consequently, the increasing confidence of lower class Kashmiris in the AIKC was attracting even more donors from above. Mahmud Ahmad appropriated funds to the Kashmiri cause from every accessible channel that was available to him, including Jama‘at-i Ahmadiyya. Khalifat al-masih II established the ‘Kashmir Relief Fund’ as a mandatory charitable ‘donation’ levied upon every earning Ahmadi in his Jama‘at. Each Ahmadi was required to give at least one pai (1/192 of a rupee), on every rupee that they earned, towards the Kashmir Relief Fund on a monthly basis, which the Jama‘at continued to collect for decades after the riots (Dost Muhammad Shahid, Tarikh-i Ahmadiyya, Vol. 5, p. 436). We have already mentioned above how there were significant numbers of Ahmadis working anonymously behind the scenes and contributing towards the hidden labour force underneath the independence movement’s various banners, such as the AIKC and the numerous Reading Rooms. However, unskilled Ahmadi
labourers were not the only ones who were compelled to give their time and efforts to the Kashmiri cause. Conversely, Mahmud Ahmad instructed skilled Ahmadis to contribute professional services to the Kashmiri cause as well. Throughout the stormiest years that followed the riots, major cities like Srinagar were occasionally subjected to bouts of martial law. Communal tensions and revolutionary threats had raised concerns amongst many members of the military and the police.

1932, July
Shaikh Abdullah is released from jail (see Copland, page 245).

1932, October
After totally breaking away from Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud and the Ahmadi influence, they created another organization, All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference was established on 16 October 1932. Its president was Sheikh Abdullah while Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas was elected as its secretary general. Later the organization was renamed as Jammu and Kashmir National Conference. But when Sheikh Abdullah developed his association with Nehru and the All India National Congress, Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas withdrew from the National Conference. Consequently, the Muslim Conference was revived under the leadership of Chaudhry Ghulam Abbas and Agha Shaukat Ali.[3][4] The Muslim Conference demanded Kashmir affiliation to Pakistan on 19 July 1947.

1933, July

Links and Related Essays—“Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and the Construction of the Ahmadi Identity”


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Copland, Ian, “Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931-34”, which was published in an academic journal entitled: “PACIFIC AFFAIRS”, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Summer, 1981), pp. 228-259 (32 pages), Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia

Heroes of Kashmir : Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil

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#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiMosqueattack #AhmadiyyaPersecution #Mosqueattack #trueislam #atifmian
#yuzasaf #rozabal #jesusinindia #allindiakashmircommittee #kashmir #jammu

Who is Chaudhry Asadullah Khan?

He was the younger brother of the famous Ahmadi, Chaudhry Muhammad Zafrullah Khan, he seems to have been born in roughly 1904, he had another brother named Shukrullah Khan, his father’s name was Chaudhry Nasrullah Khan (died on September 2, 1926), he was also a lawyer. He shows up on the Ahmadiyya scene in September of 1931. He was sent to Kashmir in September of 1931, per the order of the Khalifa, who was also the President of the All India Kashmir Committee, to help poor Kashmiri’s fight their cases vs. the Maharaja (See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”).

He was in England studying for the BAR exam (See “My Mother” by Zafrullah Khan).

He is sent by his Khalifa to inspect the tract of 1000 acres of land, which would eventually be called Rabwah (see page 24).

His son, Ijaz Nasrullah Khan was killed in the 2010 Ahmadiyya Lahore mosque attacks.

Links and Related Essays

Brief Life Sketch of Chaudhry Sir Muhammad Zafrulla Khan


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Copland, Ian, “Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931-34”, which was published in an academic journal entitled: “PACIFIC AFFAIRS”, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Summer, 1981), pp. 228-259 (32 pages), Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia

Heroes of Kashmir : Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil

#yuzasaf #jesusinindia #kashmir

Who is Shaikh Muhammad Ahmad Mazhar?

He was an Ahmadi. He was sent to Kashmir in September of 1931, per the order of the Khalifa, who was also the President of the All India Kashmir Committee, to help poor Kashmiri’s fight their cases vs. the Maharaja (See Khan “The construction of the Ahmadiyya Identity”). Since, MGA had argued that Arabic was the mother of all languages, to prove this he studied fifty languages. His long & arduous research was published in 1963 and tried to prove that all the languages of the world were derived from Arabic. He died on May 28, 1993.

Links and Related Essays


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Copland, Ian, “Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931-34”, which was published in an academic journal entitled: “PACIFIC AFFAIRS”, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Summer, 1981), pp. 228-259 (32 pages), Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia

Heroes of Kashmir : Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil

#yuzasaf #jesusinindia #kashmir

Who is Ghulam Ahmad Ashai and his role in Kashmir in 1931

Ghulam Ahmad Ashai, also spelled Ghulam Ahmad Asha’i and Khwaja Ghulam Ahmad Ashai. He was a Kashmiri bureaucrat and political leader. Spencer Lavan tells us that he was an Ahmadi in 1931, Lavan reports that Asha’i was on the Glancy Commission of 1931 (See page 150 and 152). However, he seems to have quit Ahmadiyya soon thereafter, since none of his children were Ahmadi and the Ahmadiyya movement has never mentioned him as a member. He might have also been an undercover Ahmadi working in Kashmir, there were so many in these days. At the end of the Glancy Commission, Ghulam Ahmad Ashai refused to sign the paperwork (see Ian Copland, 245).

His lineage
He was the grandson of Rayees-ul-Waqt Hajji Mukhthar Shah Ashai. The ‘Ashai Bagh Bridge’ over Nigeen Lake and Dal Lake is named after Ashai’s ancestors. Before moving to suburban Srinagar, the Ashais lived at the ‘Ashai Kocha’ in Fateh Kadal, Srinagar. The historic Ashai mansion now hosts a Girl’s high school. Ashai’s hut in Raj Bagh has been converted into a hotel. Popularly known as Ashai Sahib by his colleagues, political contemporaries and subordinates, Ghulam Ahmad Ashai was the first Kashmiri Muslim to attain a bachelor’s degree. Ashai secured first class in the B.A. (Bachelor of Arts) examination of the Punjab University with the distinction of topping the list of candidates in 1915. He then gained his M.A. (Master of Arts) in Persian from Calcutta University. He obtained first division and was awarded His Excellency the Chancellor’s Gold Medal and the highest cash prize of Rs.200. He gained his B.T. (Bachelor of Teaching) from the Punjab University. He also passed the Munshi Fazil Examination from the same university which earned him an additional degree of M.O.L. (Master of Oriental Languages). He successfully competed for the Senior Forest Service of the State of Jammu and Kashmir with distinction but opted out of it.

Sheikh Abdullah and his colleagues were greatly influenced by the lectures of a Kashmiri polymath and lawyer Molvi Muhammad Abdullah. Molvi Abdullah‘s son Molvi Abdul Rahim, Abdullah Sheikh and Ghulam Nabi Gilkar were the first three educated Kashmiri youth to be arrested during the public agitation of 1931. He seems to have been an Ahmadi in 1931, as his biographer tells us, see page 68. He was also reported by a Britisher who was living in Kashmir at the time as part of a group of Qadiani’s (see Spencer Lavan). This Britisher was the whistle-blower who broke the story.

1931, August 15th
Muslim representatives gave an address to the Maharajah on 15 August. These representatives included Mirwaiz Moulvi Mohammed Yousuf Shah, Mirwaiz Hamadani, Syed Hussain Shah Jalali, Saad-ud-din Shawl, Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah, Ghulam Ahmad Ashai, Yaqub Ali, Munshi Shahab-ud-Din, Ghulam Abbas and Gauhar Rehman.  The Government ordered the release of some Kashmir Leaders. They, however, impressed upon the Government that unless their demands were accepted, there was no sense in releasing them. The Government thereupon allowed them to present a memorandum of their grievances to the Maharaja. The initial draft was prepared by Ghulam Ahmad Ashai (Qadiani). It was carried to Lahore by A.R. Dard to be shown to the AIKC. It was still under scrutiny when Abdullah was arrested on 21 September. A public meeting was held in Srinagar and a ‘War Council’ was formed to carry out the agitation.

Sheikh Abdullah with other leaders of the 1931 agitation.
Sitting R to L: Sardar Gohar Rehman, Mistri Yaqoob Ali, Sheikh Abdullah, Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas. Standing. R:Molvi AbdurRahim, L:Ghulam Nabi Gilkar

Kashmir’s first political party the Kashmir Muslim Conference with Abdullah Sheikh as President, Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas as general secretary, and Molvi Abdul Rahim as Secretary was formed on 16 October 1932. In his presidential address Abdullah Sheikh categorically stated that the Muslim Conference had come into existence to struggle for the rights of all oppressed sections of the society and not Muslims alone. It was not a communal party and would struggle for the rights of the oppressed, whether Hindu, Muslim or Sikh, with the same fervor. He reasserted that the struggle of Kashmiris was not a communal struggle.[11]

Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah appointed Ghulam Ahmad Ashai as the first Registrar of the University of Kashmir, both for academic and administrative matters. He led the first convocation of the University of Kashmir at Sher-e-Kashmir (Lion of Kashmir) Park and was followed by a distinguished panel including the first Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru and the Pro-Indian Sheikh Abdullah. Ashai’s involvement with Kashmir University started when he was appointed as the Special Officer assigned with the responsibility of starting Kashmir’s first university. Ashai spent the next two years touring universities across India building up strategic ties and relations with renowned and established universities.

His family
Ghulam Ahmad Ashai was married to Jana Begum, the only daughter of Khwaja Amir Shah of Varmul, a wealthy Kashmiri nobleman. Ahmad and Jana had ten children; four sons and six daughters.  It doesn’t seem like these people are Ahmadi’s.

Links and Related Essays


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Copland, Ian, “Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931-34”, which was published in an academic journal entitled: “PACIFIC AFFAIRS”, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Summer, 1981), pp. 228-259 (32 pages), Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia

Heroes of Kashmir : Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil

#yuzasaf #jesusinindia #kashmir

“”Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir”” by Ian Copland (1981)

Ian Copland covered how the Ahmadiyya Movement was allowed to oppose the Maharaja Hari Singh in 1931 by the British Government. Out of nowhere, in July of 1931, the Khalifa, Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad was allowed to mobilize Ahmadi’s to organize “Reading Rooms” in Kashmir and a national boycott on August 14th, 1931. The Maharaja Hari Singh wanted the Ahmadiyya Khalifa to be arrested, however, the British interjected and refused to arrest the Khalifa for organizing Kashmiri’s against Dogra rule. Copland covered this topic from a neutral perspective in 1981 as he wrote “Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931-34”, which was published in an academic journal entitled: “PACIFIC AFFAIRS”, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Summer, 1981), pp. 228-259 (32 pages), Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia.

Some quotes
“””The Ahmadyas adopted a two-pronged strategy with regard to Kashmir. The first, of which they made no secret, was to capture control of AIKC, a Lahore-based lobby group founded by Sir Fazal-i-Hussain (Italics added). How they managed this, given the hostility with which the Qadianis were regarded in orthodox circles, is a puzzle, but manage it they did.”””

“”To this missionary-oriented sect (Qadian), Kashmir represented a natural field for expansion. Qadian, the Ahmadya headquarter, was situated at Gurdaspur district which abutted the Jammu frontier and the Ahmadya creed embraced the belief that Srinagar was the last resting place of Jesus Christ revered by all Muslims as prophet. However, it was the July agitation which suggested to the Ahmadya Khalifa, Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmud Ahmad, that the time was ripe for a concerted missionary push, championed the civil rights cause would establish a firm foothold in the hearts and minds of the Kashmiri people, and he hoped to put this goodwill to work in his campaign for converts. Nevertheless it is doubtful whether he would have chanced his arm on such a risky venture had the sect not possessed some important local contacts in Srinagar notably Jamaluddin (the brother of Khawaja Kamaluddin) and the Darbar’s Director of Public Instruction, and the ubiquitous (Sheikh) Abdullah.””

Links and Related Essays

Copland, Ian, “Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931-34”, which was published in an academic journal entitled: “PACIFIC AFFAIRS”, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Summer, 1981), pp. 228-259 (32 pages), Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia

Heroes of Kashmir : Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil

#yuzasaf #jesusinindia #

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