“Haqiqat i Hal” (May of 1934) by Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad about the Kashmir conflict of the 1930’s

Per all academic sources, Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud funded Shaikh Abdullah (Sher i Kashmir) to start a political revolution in Kashmir vs. the ruling party, the Dogra Dynasty. This ended up backfiring on the Khalifa, the Ahrars and Sir Muhammad Iqbal turned on the Khalifa and exposed his for looking at Kashmir as a possible new headquarters for himself, or to gain converts and setup the movement at Kashmir. Historically, by 1931, there were no Ahmadi places-of-worship in Kashmir. All of their current places-of-worship seem to have been acquired after the partition of 1947. Nevertheless, after losing interest in Kashmir (1934), the Khalifa seems to have written a pamphlet wherein he explain the truth about the entire Kashmir situation, the book was called, “Haqiqat i Hal”, in english, it would be “The Reality of What Happened”. This book is available on under Volume 14 of Anwar ul Aloom, it was also quoted by Ian Copland in 1981, as he wrote “Islam and Political Mobilization in Kashmir, 1931-34”, which was published in an academic journal entitled: “Pacific Affairs”, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Summer, 1981), pp. 228-259 (32 pages), Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia. By May of 1934, the Ahmadiyya Khalifa had fell out of favor with the British Government after it was revealed how he funded the Kashmir movement with mystery funds. The British Government in-turn allow the Ahrar’s to hold a conference close to Qadian.  Sir Muhammad Iqbal also went on his tirade vs. Ahmadiyya in this era.

Quotes from Haqiqat i Hal
—“”….it is not permitted by religion nor (does) it (seem) be right morally”””” (See page 251, Copland, 1981).

—-“””we have government sympathy owing to civil disobedience.  This should be secured again””” (See page 251, Copland, 1981).

Lavan also quoted Haqiqat i Hal
Lavan summarizes on page 154-155. He claims that after the Khalifa resigned from the President-ship of the All-India (1932), the Khalifa agreed to continue to fund the insurgence against the Maharaja Hari Singh, and kept lots of Ahmadi’s on the All-India Kashmir Committee. The Khalifa also agreed to not order Ahmadi’s to do missionary work for 2 years.  Iqbal complained that there were too many Ahmadi’s still on the committee.  

Links and Related Essays

Heroes of Kashmir : Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil

#yuzasaf #jesusinindia #

Sir Bertrand James Glancy (governor of the Punjab) from 1941 and 1946 and the Ahmadiyya Community

Sir Bertrand James Glancy (31 December 1882 – 17 March 1953) was an Irish-born British colonial administrator and Governor of the Punjab between 1941 and 1946.  He retired in 1946.  In terms of Ahmadiyya, he wrote the famous “Glancy Report” in 1932 which detailed the description on the causes of the 1931 Kashmir riots against the Hindu/Sikhs and the Muslim perspective towards the Mahajara and the Prime Minister of Kashmir at that time (Hari Kishan Kaul was the Prime Minister of Kashmir for one year, 1931-1932) (See Spencer Lavan). Nevertheless, the Maharaja refused to listen to the grievances in the Glancy Report. The biggest grievance of the Kashmiri people was the law that banned the slaughter of cows. Kashmir was 99% Muslim, however, the slaughters of cows was against the law and punished with life in prison. Glancy was able to persuade the Maharaja to change the punishment from life in jail to 10-years in jail. Another unfair law was that if a hindu became a Muslim, he would be denied his rights of inheritance, Muslims of Kashmir wanted this law abolished, however, Mahajara Hari Singh totally refused.

1931–Oct-Dec era
Glancy is hired from Delhi (where he was working at the time, as the political secretary to the Viceroy, see Zafrullah Khan, ‘Renaissance of Islam”, online edition) by the British government to conduct a report on the Kashmir riots of July-1931. Per Lavan, on this committee there were 5 people, an Ahmadi was representing the Muslims of Kashmir, his name was Ghulam Ahmad Asha’i. Chaudhri Ghulam Abbas represented the Muslims of Jammu, Pandit Lok Math Sharma represented the Hindus of Jammu and Pandit Prem Nath Bazaz represented the Hindus of Kashmir.

March 1932
Per Lavan, the Glancy report was published. Colonel Elliot James Dowell Colvin (27 July 1885 in London, England – 1950 in DelhiIndia) was appointed as Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir.

Links and Related Essays

  1. “Sir Bertrand Glancy.” Times [London, England] 18 Mar. 1953: 10. The Times Digital Archive. Web. 28 Apr. 2013.
  2. ^ “Clifton College Register” Muirhead, J.A.O. p173: Bristol; J.W Arrowsmith for Old Cliftonian Society; April, 1948

“”Itmamul-Hujjah”” in english as “”The Final Argument”” by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad 1894, quotes and background data

This book was published by MGA and his in 1894, as an Urdu/Arabic book, it was published from the Gulzar Muhammadi Press, Lahore.  In 1894, an Islamic Imam of Amritsar, Maulavi Rosol Baba, wrote a book entitled Hayatul-Masih, in which he contended that Jesus Christ is
alive and sitting in heaven. This imam was among those nine bad Maulavis who had been mentioned in another book, Anjam-e-Atham (End of Atham). This Maulavi issued a challenge to MGA in this pamphlet to demolish his arguments about the fact that Jesus Christ is alive. (see Hidden Treasures). Per Ahmadiyya sources, Maulavi Rusul Baba died on December 8, 1902, as a victim of plague in Amritsar.

“”””Though the booklet Nurul-Haqq has been written as a challenge to the Christians who claim to be divines yet Maulavi Muhammad Hussain Batalvi and those who follow in his footsteps, like Mian Rosol Baba, who have declared me a disbeliever and who reviled me, are not excluded from this challenge. The revelation received by me shows that none of the disbelievers, or of those who have declared me a disbeliever, will be able to write a refutation of the booklet Nurul-Haqq, because they are false and impostors, ignorant and stupid.”””” (Itmamul Hujjah, p. 24, Ruhani Khaza’in, vol. 8, p. 303)(see Hidden Treasures, and the 2009 edition of Tadhkirah).

“””…The man who in his being and his attributes and his actions and through his spiritual and holy faculties set an example of perfection, in knowledge and action and in sincerity and steadfastness, and was called the perfect man was Muhammad, peace be on him…. The man
who was most perfect as man and as Prophet, and came with full blessings, and who through a spiritual revival and resurrection manifested the first judgment in the world and revived the dead world, that blessed Prophet, the Seal of the Prophets, the leader of the righteous ones, the pride of the Prophets, was Muhammad, the chosen one, peace be on him. Our Lord, send down on that beloved Prophet that mercy and blessing that Thou hast not sent down on anyone since the beginning of the world. Had that grand Prophet not appeared in the world then we would have no proof of the truth of lesser Prophets like Jonah, Job, Jesus son of Mary, Malachi, John, Zakaria, etc. Though they were favourites and honoured and were beloved ones of Almighty God, they are under obligation to this Prophet that they were accepted in the world as true Prophets. O Allah, send down Thy blessings on him and on his people and on his companions, all of them. Our last word is that all praise belongs to Allah, Lord of the worlds””” (Itmamul
Hujjah, p. 36, Ruhani Khaza’in, vol. 8, p. 308)(see Hidden Treasures).

” what is jesus e.s .he is just an obedient person .If God wants he can within no time can make billions like him , in fact better than him (jesus e.s) ………….Maseeh was just a normal prophet .However he was one of billions of near ones (of God) .He was from the Normal group.Just a normal (person) not a special one and not more than that …….He came for the specific nation.Alas , he could not benefit any one spiritually .His prophet hood left an example that his loss was more than his benefit , and his coming has caused to increase (bad) fate and curse .’

(Roohani khazyian 8-page 308 -Atmamul hujjah )


Who is Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil? Died in 1946 as a Bahai

Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil was a lawyer who lived in Kashmir and the Punjab from roughly 1880 to 1948. He seems to have been an Ahmadi from very early on (the 1880’s), his father was Muhammad Siddique Lone and he belonged to the Gatipora area of Shopian.  However, he is not mentioned in the famous list of 313 Ahmadi’s in 1896. He appears in Ahmadiyya history in 1898 as he allegedly tells MGA that the tomb of Yuz Asaf actually belongs to Esa (as) (see page 17), 40+  years (in 1946) later he tells the world how MGA edited his letter and lied about the entire incident. In 1931, he started the famous “Reading Room” in Kashmir. He also worked closely with Shaikh Abdullah, the Lion of Kashmir in the Kashmir riots of 1931 which led to the Glancy commission report and forced the Prime Minister to resign. In the 1930’s and when he died, his family specifically had to clear up the issue of whether he was an Ahmadi or not.  His son was Molvi Bashir.  He died in 1948, as a member of the Bahai’s (see the Bahai World, online 1981 edition, see pages 515-516).

He wrote his own biography
Most of his biography online comes from his book, “Hamara Adab”. As well as Shaikh Abdullah’s book, “Aatish-e-Chinar”. His connections with Ahmadiyya are heavily mentioned in these 2 sources. See also, “Tareekh-Jung-e-Azadi-Kashmir” by Munshi Nazir ud Din.

MGA and his team concocted many stories about Islam and the many religions of the world.  Their most embarrassing embellishment is the story of Yuz Asaf.  We have already connected a person by the name of Khalifa Noorudin Jamooni (not to be confused with Maulvi Noorudin), who was also involved in concocting this embarrassing story. John Rippon was correct when he called Ahmadi’s as academically dishonest. Max Muller also refuted Jesus in India. Pappas also called Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and his team as academically dishonest.  MGA and his team of writers publishes an edited letter from Maulvi Abdullah to MGA in terms of the Yuz Asaf grave. This letter was published in MGA’s 1898 book, “Raz i Haqiqat” in english as “A Hidden Truth”. 40+ years later he wrote about how MGA edited his letter and mis-represented him about this tomb.

On October 29-30th, Syed Muhammad Sarwar Shah and Maulavi Abdullah Kashmiri were to represent the Ahmadis at a debate, and Maulavi Sanaullah the other party. The debate was held in the open under a banyan tree. There were only three Ahmadis at the debate and over 600 non-Ahmadis were present. Maulavi Sanaullah Amritsari told the villagers that the Ahmadis were afraid of debates.

1902–November 2nd
Molvi Abdullah and Sarwar Shah arrive at Qadian and give MGA the report of what happened with the debate with Sanaullah.

1902–November 15
MGA publishes his famous book, “Ijaz i Ahmadi“, which mentions Molvi Abdullah and Sarwar Shah‘s debate of October. MGA also publishes a reward announcement, which is silly and absurd.

H.A. Walter mentions the refutation by Thakur Dass aka Maulvi Abdullah of MGA’s theory of Jesus=Yuz Asaf in his book on Ahmadiyya. Walter also quoted: See Weitbrecht, Indian Islam and Modern Thought, Church Congress, 1905.

He started the famous “Reading Room” in Kashmir. He also worked closely with Shaikh Abdullah, the Lion of Kashmir in the Kashmir riots of 1931 which led to the Glancy commission report and forced the Prime Minister to resign. The martyrs of July 13, 1931 were taken to Jamia Masjid after the police opened fire and 22 people were killed and hundreds injured. The bodies of the martyrs were laid in the shrine compound of Khawaja Naqashband Sahab R.A Khawaja Bazar Srinagar where Sheikh Abdullah, Mirwaiz Maulvi Muhammad Yusuf Shah and other leaders started delivering speeches against Maharaja Hari Singh.  Molvi Abdullah was the lawyer for Shaikh Abdullah in court. 

1945–Maulvi Abdullah wrote to the Ahmadi Khalifa exposing how his letter was edited
In response to MGA, Molvi Abdullah Kashmiri added a chapter Sholatunnar (Flame of Hellfire) in his Risal Mayar e Haq and catagorically denied to have reported this. He said in his letter of 1898 he never reported the grave to be of Essa a.s rather it was the MGAQ’s own fabrication. Mirza sb published his letter in his book Raaz e Haqiqat (1898). He said he does not know why his letter was amended. All he knows is that his letter did not contain what MGAQ has published.

Molvi Abdullah Kashmiri Says Mirza did not stop here but he sent letters to Egyptian Scholars containing this fabricated story of Yuz Asaf grave being the grave of Esa on the authority of my report and bearing witnesses of prominent Ulema of Kashmir including Mirwaiz Molvi Rasul all of whom were Sunni and believed Esa as to have been ascended to skies. This sent a wave of shock among Egyptian scholars like Allama Rasheed Raza of Egypt mentioned it in his book. But all it was a fraud by MGAQ.

On this denial by Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Kashmiri the Mirzai party objected as to why he remained silent for a long period of time. He says that he had become a blind in the love and affection of Masih e Maoud. The high status of Masih e Moud did not give him courage to say something on it.

However, on 25-10-1945 he wrote a letter to the Khalifa Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad seeking clarification as to why Mirza sb amended his letter, he asked him to provide references vide his reply dated 14-11-1945. The requisite references were provided to him. However he did not respond to it ever. Molvi Abdullah Kashmiri says if the scholars of Kashmir like Mirwaiz confirm that this grave of Yuz asaf is the grave of Essa a.s, he would publish his apology and pay a fine of Rs 500/- to Mirzaiyya.

1948–April 12th
He dies.  He was buried in a Muslim cemetary in Barzulla, which is close to the famous Jamia Masjid. He was buried with all the religous rites of a member of the Bahai, he seems to have been a secret member of theirs for many years. In the 1981 edition of the Bahai’ world, he is mentioned on pages 515-516.

His book–1945
Sholatun Naar aur Maqbara Khanyar by Molvi Abdullah Wakeel

Sholatun Naar aur Maqbara Khanyar by Molvi Abdullah Wakeel

The relevant scans

Some additional books

Index – Introduction by Mr Kondu

Book 1 – Khabr al-Sahih un Qabr al-Maseeh by Ibrahim Sialkoti, 1910

Book 2 – Tardeed-e-Qabr Maseeh der Kashmir by Munshi Pir Bakhsh 1920

Book 3 – Hazrat Maseeh kee qabr Kashmir Mein Nahee by Molvi Habibullah, 1933

Book 4 – al-Ta’aruf ba Yuz Asuf by Nurul Haq Alvi

Book 5 – Halaat Yuz Asuf by Mohammed Shah, Mufti and Historian

Book 6 – Maqbara-e-Ahmadiyyat – Maulana Saaduddin Atiq

Book 7 – Sholatun Naar aur Maqbara Khanyar by Molvi Abdullah Wakeel

Book 8 – Srinagar Kashmir aur Maseeh Qadiani

The work of Shams ud Din
Recently, an Ex-Ahmadi, Shams ud Din researched this topic and posted his results. Shams ud Din found the book “Rahul ul Hayat” by Allama Muhammad Bakir, there is an urdu translation called, “Ainul Hayat”. On page 361, it is written that Yuz Asaf had a father in Kashmir. This immediately cancelled Yuz Asaf becoming Esa (As), since Esa (as) historically never had a father. Yuz Asaf was the son of a King and was able to live a life of excess. MGA never mentioned any of this. Yuz Asaf’s dad was a drunkard, and even prayed to idols.

A free download of Ainul Hayat
Ainul Hayat

The tombmaster website, roughly 1992–2002
It is a strange coincidence that a few years back another very vocal proponent of Grave of Jesus in Kashmir, Mr. Abu Bakr – the Tombmaster, also embraced Bahaism when he lost faith in Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani. He created and operated a now defunct website called tombmaster. He was a Qadiani-Ahmadi and on this website, he supported the Ahmadi belief that Yus Asaf=esa.

Links and Related Essays

Heroes of Kashmir : Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil,_Srinagar

‘Reading Room’ was brainchild of Molvi Abdullah Vakil

A Hidden Truth

Who is Khwaja Jamal ud Din?

He is the elder brother of the famous lawyer that defended MGA in many trials, Khwaja Kamal ud Din. Their father was Khwaja Aziz ud Din, he doesn’t seem to have converted to Ahmadiyya at all (see page 128). He is mentioned in MGA’s famous list of 313 original Ahmadi’s (see Dard). He is barely mentioned in the history of Ahmadiyya (lahori or qadiani). He emerges in the 1930’s in Kashmir, where he was working at the time. He was a fast friends of Shaikh Abdullah, the Sher-i-Kashmir and seems to have been in his presence many times (see Spencer Lavan, page 150). He had a sister named Wazira Begum also. He seems to have died in either in late 1931 or 1932, since by 1933, they were already calling him the Late Khwaja Jamal ud Din (see page 128). Spencer Lavan seems to have errored and wrote Khwaja Jalal ud Din in his book as he connected Shaikh Abdullah to Khwaja Jamal ud Din.

Links and Related Essays

Heroes of Kashmir : Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil


The Origins of the Quit Kashmir Movement, 1931–1947

As we continue to understand the Kashmir issue and Ahmadi’s, we have archived this important study. It can be found at this website.

In 1846, the Treaty of Amritsar installed the Dogras dynasty as the rulers of Jammu and Kashmir. Signed with the emerging British colonial state, this Treaty declared that, “the British Government transfers and makes over, forever, in independent possession, to Maharaja Gulab Singh and the heirs male of his body, the Kashmir Valley as well as the area of Gilgit to the north (in Aitchinson 1931: 21–22). This new “princely state” comprised territories which at one point in time had been independent principalities: Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh, Mirpur, Poonch, Baltistan, Gilgit, Hunza, Muzzaffarabad, Nagar, and some other nondescript kingdoms. Article IX of the Treaty further emphasized that the British East India Company Raj would provide aid to the monarch of Kashmir in protecting his territories from disruptive forces. Article X underscored the monarch’s allegiance to the British. As a manifestation of his acknowledgment of the primacy of the British East India Company rule, the monarch was required to present annually one horse, twelve shawl goats, and three pairs of impeccably woven Kashmiri shawls (ibid). Thus the British colonial authority asserted itself through the Dogra monarch, a relationship that would influence politics and interreligious dialogue in the region well into the twenty-first century.

Gulab Singh was succeeded by his son Ranbir Singh in 1847, who in turn was succeeded by his son Pratab Singh in 1885. With no male heirs, Pratab Singh tried to make a distant relative his successor. But the British intervened, installing his nephew, Hari Singh, in 1925.

The last maharaja, Hari Singh employed forceful means to extinguish nationalistic and anti-feudal movement growing in the region. This movement emerged from the difficult conditions under which Muslims lived in Kashmir. Although Muslims constituted a large percentage of the population, out of thirteen battalions in Kashmir, only one was Muslim. Muslims were disallowed from carrying firearms and sharp instruments, and lived under such strict surveillance that they were required to seek a license even to slaughter a chicken for an ordinary meal. Moreover, there was a strict ban on cow slaughter in the state, and the sheep or goats that Muslims sacrificed on religious occasions were heavily taxed. Most edible items, saleable artifacts and ceremonial services were taxed. Kashmiri farmers worked as mere serfs on the lands that were bestowed by the monarch on his clansmen (Khan 1958: 5–7). Kashmiri Muslims were denied the right to gain an education; excluded from the civil services; disenfranchised; and prevented from participating in political activities without governmental permission.

In this context, the All India States People’s Conference (AISPC) adopted a constitution in 1939 that intended to help the people of the state form a responsible and representative government under the aegis of the monarch. Once the AISPC drafted and proclaimed its objectives, a number of organizations were formed in order to achieve these objectives. Prior to that, Kashmiri Pandits, intellectually and politically drawn to the nationalist reform movements of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, formed a Hindu revivalist party. In Jammu, political organizations were formed solely for members of the predominantly Hindu Dogras ethnic group, with the Dogra Sabha, established in 1903, as the most prominent example. Meanwhile, Kashmiri Muslims, led by their religious leader, the mirwaiz, Maulana Rasool Shah, formed the Anjuman-i-Nusrat-ul-Islam. Besides the dissemination of Islamic teachings, the Anjuman aimed at social reform and educational improvement for the Muslims of the Valley.

But while the political mobilization of Kashmiri Muslims was still in an embryonic stage, a governmental edict banned all Muslim organizations, effectively ending their involvement in the political discourse. To make matters worse, a burgeoning labor crisis in the Srinagar silk mill, which was owned by the monarch, revealed the terrible conditions that the mostly workforce had to endure; most of the underpaid, overworked, and shabbily treated laborers in the mill were Kashmiri Muslims (for details, see Ganju 1945). These widespread exploitative practices and the resentment engendered by them compelled eminent members of the Muslim community to voice their protest in a memorandum, which was presented to the governor-general of India, Lord Reading, in October 1924. Around the same time, the first generation of Kashmiri Muslims to obtain college degrees abroad returned home, ready to promote new ideals of nationalism, liberty, and democracy. A group of these young graduates, held regular meetings at a house in Fateh Kadal, Srinagar, which evolved into “Fateh Kadal Reading Room Party.” This group contributed articles for various publications in which they protested the discriminatory practices of the monarchical regime.

A prominent member of the Fateh Kadal Reading Room Party, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah would emerge as the Muslim population’s political leader in the early 1930s, thanks in large part to his outspoken opposition to the maharaja. In 1931, Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmud Ahmed organized the work of the All India Kashmir Committee. At a meeting between Mirza Bashiruddin and Abdullah, it was decided that the Sheikh would lead the movement and Chaudhary Ghulam Abbas would be the secretary. The All India Kashmir Committee comprised representatives from the Kashmir Valley, Moulvi Abdur Rahim, and the Jammu Province, Allah Rakhar Saghar. The duties allocated to the Committee included: 1) giving financial support to the political agitators; 2) providing financial assistance to the dependents of incarcerated political leaders, martyrs, and those wounded in confrontations with the police; 3) arranging for medical treatment of the injured; 4) arranging legal defense for political workers; 5) providing legal assistance to the preparation of cases before the Middleton and Glancy Commissions. It was through Dr. Iqbal that the Glancy Commission made its report advocating religious freedom in Kashmir and emphasizing that the government could not exercise its authority at places of worship. It also mandated that education should be universal and more primary schools should be opened. It underscored the need to appoint Muslims teachers and the establishment of a special office for the administration of educational institutions for Muslims. It emphasized that jobs should open to all members of society.

Until this time, Ahmad Ullah Shah, the senior mirwaiz, had been accepted by the Srinagar Muslims as their religious leader, and his authority had been ratified by the Dogra regime. When his nephew Muhammad Yusuf Shah assumed the leadership of the Jama Masjid in 1931, he had expected to don his uncle’s mantle and exercise the same unquestioned authority. But, to his surprise, his stature was undermined by Abdullah, a young politician of obscure origins and revolutionary political opinions. In order to eliminate the threat posed to his position by Abdullah’s rising popularity and clout, Yusuf Shah labeled him a heretic. Abdullah retaliated by aligning himself with Mirwaiz Hamadani, a rival religious leader.

Around this time, the Abdullah established the Muslim Conference (MC). Yusuf Shah responded by founding his own party, the Azad Conference. By April 1933, the tension between the Sheikh’s Sher (lion) followers and Yusuf Shah’s goatee-wearing Bakra (literally translated as goat) followers boiled over into a violent clash that took place during the Id-uz-Zuha (religious festival) prayers in Srinagar. Because of the Shah’s inclination to toe the official line of the Dogra monarchy, Abdullah’s followers viewed this confrontation as an uprising that directly challenged the regime. Thus, the Shah became an unappealing figure to the repressed Muslim masses. His stature sank even further when he accepted a stipend of Rs. 600 from the Dogra regime. (Copeland 1991: 248).

The maharaja’s unwillingness to deploy even superficially democratic measures contributed to another uprising in 1933, to which the government responded with unwarranted violence. Subsequently, Abdullah and Abbas organized a civil disobedience movement, which led to the first democratic election in the state in 1934.

Over the next few years, the rallying banner and political ideology of the MC mobilized a collective sense of pride in regional identity. Abdullah created an efficiently organized network of young people who were committed to the party’s ideology. His initial emphasis on a shared Muslim identity, which promised social and political enfranchisement, held great appeal for an abject and politically disenfranchised people. However, although the MC won fourteen out of twenty-one seats allotted to Muslim voters in the State Assembly, this branch of the government had only consultative powers.

Over the next decade, secular local political organizations that espoused a nationalist and socialist ideology, including the Kashmiri Youth League, Peasants Association, Students Federation, Silk Labour Union, Telegraph Employees Union. These groups enabled popular political leaders to shift their focus away from religious and sectarian conflict and toward the structural inequities legitimized by the state. In this context, Abdullah tried to forge a secular movement in the state. In order to disseminate his progressive ideas, the Shiekh and Prem Nath Bazaz, a Kashmiri Pandit secularist, founded an Urdu weekly, Hamdard, in 1935. In 1938, the MC was replaced by the secular All Jammu and Kashmir National Congress, presided over by Abdullah. This new secular orientation was also intended to align the party with the Indian National Congress. By 1944, these efforts had paid off. The NC came to be identified with the socially leftist republicanism that Abdullah had championed (Bose 2003: 21), and its particular context of an indigenous political movement pitted against the Dogra dynasty helped to develop a distinct entity: a new Kashmiri nationalism.

This timely political move won the approval of Hindus Muslims alike. (Korbel 2002: 246). Feeling confident, the Sheikh and his political organization demanded that the Treaty of Amritsar be revoked and monarchical rule ousted. He described the Dogra monarchy as a microcosm of colonial brutality and declared the Quit Kashmir movement as an outgrowth of the larger Indian struggle for independence.

However, the new movement did not garner the widespread support that the Sheikh had hoped for. Rather than bolstering the Sheikh’s position among the members of the Muslim Conference, it merely antagonized the Hindus and Sikhs of the state who venerated the maharaja because they owed him their political, economic, and religious privileges (Bazaz 1950: 4–5).

In May 1946 the Sheikh was sentenced to nine years in prison for having led the seditious Quit Kashmir movement against the maharaja’s regime. During the infamous Quit Kashmir trial, Abdullah attempted to articulate his reasons for opposing autocratic rule:

Where law is not based on the will of the people, it can lead to the suppression of their aspirations. Such law has no moral validity even though it may be enforced for a while. There is a law higher than that, the law that represents the people’s will and secures their well-being; and there is the tribute of the human conscience, which judges the ruler and the ruled alike by standards that do not change by the arbitrary will of the most powerful. To this law I gladly submit and that tribunal I shall face with confidence and without fear, leaving it to history and posterity to pronounce their verdict on the claims that I and my colleagues have made not merely on behalf of the four million people of Jammu and Kashmir but also of the ninety-three million people of all the States of India [under princely rule]. This claim has not been confined to a particular race or religion or color…I hold that sovereignty resides in the people, all relationships political, social and economic, derive authority from the collective will of the people. (Quoted in Bhattacharjea 2008: 237–38)

Despite the support that the Quit Kashmir received from some regional councils and state Congress committees, the movement was crushed tactically and militarily. In a telegram sent by the Sheikh to the members of the British Cabinet Mission in 1946, he declared that the Amritsar agreement conferred no privileges “equivalent to those claimed by states governed by treaty rights. We wish to declare that no sale deed, however sacrosanct, can condemn more than four million men and women to servitude of an autocrat when will to live under this rule is no longer there.”

As the Kashmir National Congress made its support of secular principles and its affiliation with the All India National Congress more forceful, the gulf widened between three competing groups: secularists who demanded a religiously neutral government; those who espoused a syncretism that would bridge the divide between Muslims and Hindus; and those who advocated a legal system that would give primacy to Islamic laws and scriptures, represented mainly by the Muslim Conference. In this environment, the Kashmiri National Congress found itself gasping for breath in the quagmire created by the maharaja’s repressive policies, which were aimed at deepening the divide. For example, the maharaja’s government had passed a special ordinance introducing two scripts, Devanagari and Persian, in Kashmir’s government schools, signaling the metaphoric dislocation of Kashmiri culture. Language was seen in relation to an array of matters: political power, ethnicity, and cultural and psychological denigration. Also, under the Jammu and Kashmir Arms Act of 1940, the government had prohibited all communities except Dogra Rajputs from owning arms and ammunition. Such communally oriented policies created a rift between the Muslim leadership of the Kashmir National Congress and their Hindu colleagues.

The rift within the organization was further widened by Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s insistence that Abdullah extend his support to the Muslim League–the organization that fostered the creation of Pakistan–and thereby disavow every principle he had fought for. At the same time, the Indian National Congress supported the Quit Kashmir movement, and later reinforced the Sheikh’s call for a national plebiscite. The Congress advised the maharaja, right up to 1947, to gauge the public mood and accordingly accede to either India or Pakistan.

Thus, on the eve of the partition, a period of political intrigue pitted the two emerging nations against one another, with the maharaja trying to hold onto power and democratic reformers hoping to build a functioning Kashmiri state. Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru argued that Kashmir was required to validate the secular credentials of India, Jinnah, on the other hand claimed that Pakistan had no designs on Kashmir. As Navnita Chandha Behera (2006) writes, “If Kashmir was integral to the very idea of Pakistan, it is difficult to see why the Muslim League and the Muslim Conference did not ask the Maharaja to accede to Pakistan until as late as 25 July 1947.” By then, it could be argued that politics in Kashmir had moved beyond the narrow limitations of religion, enabling the creation of a more pluralistic society. Indeed, it could also be argued that Abdullah perceived the evolution of Kashmiri nationalism in world-historical terms, as opposed to a mere domestic issue. He didn’t subscribe to the notion that a powerful global ideology like pan-Islamism, or communism, or fascism would bring about a universal liberation. Instead, he advocated the creation of a democratic structure in which a popular politics of mass mobilization would be integrated with institutional politics of governance.

The decision to accede to either India or Pakistan placed Maharaja Hari Singh in a dilemma. To maintain his power, the maharaja disregarded the advice of the National Congress and the British and opted for outright independence. In doing so, the maharaja failed to recognize how independence would exacerbate the political and military vulnerability of the state. While Pakistan supported Hari Singh’s decision, India did not.

I conclude the paper with a quote from the statement of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah in the Court of the Sessions Judge in Srinagar during the Quit Kashmir Trial in 1946. In recognition of human agency and mediation, the Sheikh observed,

No State can succeed in raising the standard of its people’s life without educating and training them to pursue creative and productive activities. The percentage of literacy in the State is 6, the percentage of higher education is 1, and the average income per capita is Rs. 11-/ per annum. This by itself is an eloquent commentary on the system and structure of government to which the slogan “Quit Kashmir” is addressed.

The eternal authority promised to the Dogra dynasty in the Treaty of Amritsar was cut short at the time of India’s independence and partition in 1947. On 26 October 1947, Maharaja Hari Singh signed the “Instrument of Accession” to India, officially ceding to the government of India jurisdiction over defense, foreign affairs, and communications. The accession of Jammu and Kashmir was accepted by Lord Mountbatten with the proviso that once political stability was established in the region, the wishes of the people would be respected. Abdullah would spend the next three decades working within this framework to push a progressive agenda that called for universal suffrage, equal rights for women, and agrarian reform. However, even with a semi-autonomous status, economic and political development in Kashmir was hindered by political maneuvering in India, as well as the regional competition that involved Pakistan and later Bangladesh. Moreover, Abdullah spent time in jail and exile, and his frequent absence from the political scene diminished his power to lead. Despite the promise and idealism of the Quit Kashmir movement, the region would continue to struggle long after Abdullah’s death in 1982, and well into the twenty-first century.


    • Abdullah, Sheikh Mohammad. “Quit Kashmir Memorandum to the British Cabinet Mission on behalf of the All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference,” 1946.
    • Abdullah, Sheikh Mohammad. “The Statement of Sher-e-Kashmir in the Court of the Sessions Judge.” Kashmir on Trial: State vs. Sheikh Abdullah. Lahore: Lion Press, 1947.
    • Aitchinson, C. V., ed. A Collection of Treaties, Engagements ans Sanads, Vol. XII, Part 1. Calcutta: Government of India Central Publication Branch, 1931.
    • Bazaz, Prem Nath. Kashmir in Crucible. New Delhi: Pamposh Publications, 1967. Reprint, Srinagar: Gulshan Books, 2005. (Page references are to the 2005 edition.)
    • Bazaz, Prem Nath. Truth about Kashmir. Delhi: Kashmir Democratic Union, 1950.
    • Behera, Navnita Chadha. Demystifying Kashmir.<,/i> Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2006.


  • Bhattacharjea, Ajit. Kashmir: The Wounded Valley. New Delhi: UBS, 1994.
  • Bose, Sumantra. Kashmir: Roots of Conflict, Paths to Peace. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003.
  • Copeland, Ian. “The Abdullah Factor: Kashmiri Muslims and the 1947 Crisis.” In Political Inheritance of Pakistan, edited by D. A. Low, 218-54. London: Macmillan, 1991.
  • Ganju, M. Textile Industry in Kashmir. New Delhi: Premier, 1945.
  • Hassnain, F. M. Freedom Struggle in Kashmir. New Delhi: Rima Publishing House, 1988.
  • Khan, M. Zafarullah. The Kashmir Dispute. Karachi: Institute of International Affairs, 1958.
  • Korbel, Josef. Danger in Kashmir. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954. Reprint, New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. (Page references are to the 2002 edition.)
  • Rahman, Mushtaqur. Divided Kashmir: Old Problems, New Opportunities for India, Pakistan, and the Kashmiri People. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1996.
  • Saraf, M. Y. Kashmiris Fight for Freedom. 1st ed. Lahore: Ferozsons, 1977.



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Subject Entries

Bhawani, Rupa
Indian National Congress
Kashmir, Gender and Militarization in
Kashmir, Half widows and Remarriage in
Kashmir, Poetic Tradition of
Kashmiri Nationalism
Mã Tujhe Salām and Cinematic Propaganda about Kashmir
Parveena Ahangar and the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons
Tribal Invasion of 1947
Women’s Self-Defense Corps
Abdullah, Sheikh Mohammed

Links and Related Essays

Heroes of Kashmir : Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil

#yuzasaf #jesusinindia #

The other Shaikh Abdullah in Ahmadiyya history aka “Sher-e-Kashmir”, “The Lion of Kashmir”(5 December 1905 – 8 September 1982)

There are 2 “Shaikh Abdullah’s” in Ahmadiyya history.  The first one started off as a Hindu named Thakur Das, Noorudin loved him like a son and secretly converted him to Islam in 1889 in Ludhiana, at MGA’s famous bait ceremony. He eventually quit Ahmadiyya by 1892 and became a great educationalist for women at Aligarh. He was born in 1905 and enters Ahmadiyya history in the early 1930’s, he was already an Ahmadi by that time (see “”Sheikh Abdullah-A Biography: The Crucial Period 1905-1939″”” 2019 Edition By Syed Taffazull Hussain). In 1931, a Britisher who was living in Jammu reported that Shaykh Abdullah, a Qadiani was the leader of the famous 1931 Kashmir riots against the Maharaja.  

His books vs. Ahmadiyya
“”‘Ahrar aur Qadiyaninoun Ka Kashmakash””(see “”Sheikh Abdullah-A Biography: The Crucial Period 1905-1939″”” 2019 Edition By Syed Taffazull Hussain, see page 89).

He obtained an M.Sc. in Chemistry from the Aligarh Muslim University (See Hoiberg, Dale H. (2010) p 22-23).

Sheikh Abdullah and his colleagues were greatly influenced by the lectures of a Kashmiri polymath and lawyer Molvi Muhammad Abdullah. Molvi Abdullah‘s son Molvi Abdul Rahim, Abdullah Sheikh and Ghulam Nabi Gilkar were the first three educated Kashmiri youth to be arrested during the public agitation of 1931. He seems to have been an Ahmadi in 1931, as his biographer tells us, see page 68. He was also reported by a Britisher who was living in Kashmir at the time as part of a group of Qadiani’s (see Spencer Lavan). This Britisher was the whistle-blower who broke the story.

He launches the Quit Kashmir Movement.


Links and Related Essays

Heroes of Kashmir : Molvi Muhammad Abdullah Vakil

#yuzasaf #jesusinindia #

“”Takzib Brahin i Ahmadiyya”” by Lekh Ram (1887)

Lekh Ram wrote a book vs. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad in 1887 entitled, “Takzib Barahin-i-Ahmadiyya”, in english it would be “Accusing as False the Proofs of Ahmadiya”. Noorudin responded with his 1890 publication, “Tasdiq-i-Barahin i Ahmadiyya” in english as “Verifying the Proofs of Ahmadiyya” (see Kenneth Jones).

Links and Related Essays

A Murder in British Lahore – Closing the Case of Lekh Ram

Who is Mohammad-Baqer Majlesi?

He is the author of the famous book about Yuz Asaf, which destroys the Ahmadiyya theory that Yuz Asaf= Esa (as). Mohammad Baqer Majlesi (1627–1699) (Persianعلامه مجلسی‎ Allameh Majlesi; also Romanized as: MajlesiMajlessiMajlisiMadjlessi), known as Allamah Majlesi or Majlesi Al-Thani (Majlesi the Second), was a renowned and very powerful Iranian Twelver Shi’a cleric, during the Safavid era. He has been described as “one of the most powerful and influential Shi’a ulema of all time”, whose “policies and actions reoriented Twelver Shia’ism in the direction that it was to develop from his day on.”[1]

Ahmadi’s quote his book, Bihar al Anwar when they use the argument that the great Jihad is vs. one’s self.  His name can also be spelled as Allamah Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi.

Links and Related Essays

#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiapartheid #Ahmadiyyat #rabwah #qadian #meetthekhalifa #muslimsforpeace #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #nolifewithoutkhalifa #AhmadiMosqueattack #AhmadiyyaPersecution #Mosqueattack #trueislam #atifmian
#yuzasaf #rozabal #jesusinindia

Some of his books



  • Bihar al-Anwar (“Seas of Light”) in 110 volumes.
  • Reality of Certainty[12]
  • Mirror of Intellects, a 26-volume commentary.
  • Shelter of the Upright People, a 16-volume commentary.
  • Provisions for the Hereafter
  • A Gift for the Pilgrims
  • Essence of Life
  • Adornment of the Pious[13]
  • Al-Fara’edh al-Tarifah

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