ahmadiyyafactcheckblog

Intro
Sean Nation seems to be a Qadiani-Ahmadi, and a comedian in Ghana. This debate is scheduled for Saturday, 9-23-23. We also caught him trying to lie about being a Muslim.

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Links and Related Essay’s

SEAN NATION TV – YouTube

https://fb.watch/nhCVvheNfn/

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#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #messiahhascome #ahmadiyyat #trueislam #ahmadianswers #ahmadiyyamuslimcommunity #ahmadiyya_creatives #ahmadiyyatthetrueislam #ahmadiyyatzindabad #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiyyamuslim #mirzaghulamahmad #qadiani #qadianism

Intro
He is mentioned in the Aug-Sep-1919 edition of the ROR (see page 282). Mr. Pedro is paying the travelling expenses for Mufti Muhammad Sadiq, who is scheduled to be sent to West Africa soon (roughly Ghana, Liberia and Nigeria). Per Hanson, Amadu Ramanu Pedro started the Ahmadiyya Jamaat in Ghana via his businesses and etc., he was previously a member of Ahmadiyya in Nigeria. From 1916 to 1919, Amadu Ramano Pedro was fast friends with Lawal Basil Agusto aka L.B. Agusto, and joined Qadianism via a letter in roughly 1916 (See the ROR of June-1916). Agusto was one of the pioneers of Ahmadiyya in Nigeria, both of these guys eventually left Ahmadiyya altogether in the 1920’s (See Hanson). By 1919, he was working as the liason between the Fante Muslims of Ghana (barely 300-400 people) and the Qadiani-Ahmadi’s of British India (London office?).

He is mentioned 61 times by Hanson’s in his famous book (The Ahmadiyya in the Gold Coast: Muslim Cosmopolitans in the British Empire”). Hanson alleges that it was Amadu Ramano Pedro who got Ahmadiyya a foothold in Ghana. In fact, when the Qadiani-Ahmadi Maulvi Nayyar landed in the Saltpond, Ghana aka the Gold Coast (1921), it was Amadu Ramano Pedro who received him. Amadu Ramano Pedro who himself had arrived recently at Saltpond from Lagos (Nigeria)to start a trading venture (a business). Pedro was an Afro-Brazilian Muslim who accepted the Ahmadiyya after reading the movement’s English-language publications and mailing a membership form to India, as did other Muslims in Lagos during the mid-1910s. In 1921, Maulvi Nayyar informed British officials at Saltpond, as he returned to Lagos, that Amadu Ramanu Pedro was the secretary of the movement and my representative till reinforcement (See Hanson).

Amadu Ramano Pedro was also fast friends with Lawal Basil Agusto aka L.B. Agusto, who was one of the pioneers of Ahmadiyya in Nigeria, both of these guys eventually left Ahmadiyya altogether in the 1920’s (See Hanson).

Details of the Fante Muslim meeting at Mankessim are sketchy. Memories focus on a copy of the Review of Religions, which Mahdi Appah received from Amadu Ramanu Pedro; Appah reportedly needed it to find an address for the Ahmadiyya in India. Evidence suggests that Pedro was more consequential than as a source of information; at the very least, he and not Appah wrote to the Ahmadiyya to arrange the Gold Coast stopover.” Pedro also may have addressed the assembled Fante Muslims to convey the Ahmadiyya’s message. In addition to the End Times claims, Pedro’s address might have referenced aspects of Ahmadiyya
reformism, such as its educational initiative and it’s criticism of amulets and esoteric
healing. Whether Pedro presented or not, the outcome of the Mankessim meeting hinged on Mahdi Appah’s views. Only a general memory of what Appah communicated endures. Appah may well have argued for Ahmadiyya schools: he had had helped Sam found schools in the 1890s, including one near his cocoa farm in Bedum, and two decades later likely advocated forcefully for another Muslim educational initiative to teach both English and Arabic. What is remembered is Appah’s offer to contribute his own funds to defray some of the Ahmadi missionary’s travel costs. This gesture convinced others with wealth from the cocoa boom to contribute.

Local memories identify two persons influencing the interpretation of Yusuf Nyarko’s dream. In most accounts, Nyarko made contact with Amadu Ramanu Pedro after his dream and then informed Mahdi Appah; in others Nyarko recounted his dream first to Appah, who then interacted with Pedro. Although the precise sequence of action is unclear, the narrative thread in all memories connects Appah and Pedro to the interpretive process. Pedro’s role may well have been more pronounced than current memories allow, such as proselytizing the Ahmadiyya to Nyarko before he had his dream. Whatever Pedro’s specific involvement with Nyarko, he passed information to Appah, who was central to interpreting Nyarko’s dream for the Fante Muslim community. Appah had been a personal friend of Binyameen Sam and a leader of the Fante Muslim community, but at the time of Nyarko’s dream, Appah resided in Bedum near his cocoa farm where he had been for nearly two decades.

Continue reading “Who is Amadu Ramano Pedro in the history of Ahmadiyya in Ghana and Nigeria?” →

Intro
Yusuf Nyarko is the reason that Ahmadiyya came to Ghana. Hanson tells us that memories of Nyarko’s dream are recounted in a pamphlet commemorating the fortieth anniversary of the Ahmadiyya in Ghana. The pamphlet states that Nyarko dreamt that he was praying with white men. He informed one Mr. Abdul Rahman Pedro, a Nigerian who was residing at Saltpond, six miles from Mankessim (See Hanson). Fisher mentions Yusuf Nyarko as a cousin (see page 118) of Benjamin Sam, however, Hanson mentions him as a nephew.

On hearing this he [Pedro] told Mr. Yusuf Nyarku[sic] that he had read about a Muslim Mission in India with a branch in London. … Yusuf Nyarku informed also Chief Mahdi Appah, who was then at Bedum, about his dream. On hearing this he [Appah] sent some people to the towns and villages . . .[calling a meeting of] all the Fante Muslims. .. . They all assembled at Mankessim
and decided that a letter should be written to Qadian .. . asking for an Indian Muslim missionary to be sent to Ghana.”

Local memories identify two persons influencing the interpretation of Yusuf Nyarko’s dream. In most accounts, Nyarko made contact with Amadu Ramanu Pedro after his dream and then informed Mahdi Appah; in others Nyarko recounted his dream first to Appah, who then interacted with Pedro. Although the precise sequence of action is unclear, the narrative thread in all memories connects Appah and Pedro to the interpretive process. Pedro’s role may well have been more pronounced than current memories allow, such as proselytizing the Ahmadiyya to Nyarko before he had his dream. Whatever Pedro’s specific involvement with Nyarko, he passed information to Appah, who was central to interpreting Nyarko’s dream for the Fante Muslim community. Appah had been a personal friend of Binyameen Sam and a leader of the Fante Muslim community, but at the time of Nyarko’s dream, Appah resided in Bedum near his cocoa farm where he had been for nearly two decades.

Mahdi Appah used Yusuf Nyarko’s dream to reassert his authority over Fante Muslims. He did so in part by calling a meeting of Fante Muslims at Mankessim. This town had been the center of an eighteenth-century Fante political coalition and, more recently, the site where late nineteenth-century political activists met to form the Fante Confederation on the eve of the British declaration of the Gold Coast colony. Meeting at Mankessim marked the significance of the meeting. It also avoided Ekrawfo, the historical base of the movement, and enabled Mahdi
Appah and Fante Muslims to discuss the Ahmadiyya in isolation from Yakubu, the savanna Muslim scholar who ran the Arabic school at Ekrawfo in the late igios. Appah could focus attention on the dream and not on issues of Muslim practice that divided the community. In 1919 Mahdi Appah was a newly engaged leader who used his influence to facilitate a meeting, explicitly to discuss a dream but perhaps implicitly to reconcile divisions in the Fante Muslims community created by the criticism of savanna Muslim scholars.

Continue reading “Who is Yusuf Nyarko?” →

Intro
“The Fante Muslims” were a group of “Fante” people from Ghana who were former Methodists,
who had adopted Islam decades earlier and left it. They started out as pagans (See Hanson). Yusuf Nyarko, Benjamin Sam’s relative, reportedly had a dream that led the Fante Muslim community to invite the Ahmadiyya to the Gold Coast (aka Ghana). Benjamin Sam was the leader of the Fante Muslims up til his death.

After Benjamin Sam’s death, the Fante Muslim community was adrift, and West African mallams from the savanna came to reside at Ekrawfo, the center of the Fante Muslim community. These mallams taught Arabic and encouraged Fante Muslims to adopt savanna norms over the practices that Sam had advocated.

Not all Fante Muslims joined the Ahmadiyya. Among those who did not were those who remained loyal to Mallam Yakubu, the Hausa Muslim scholar who taught at Ekrawfo in the late 1910s and early 1920s. Memories of the divide are not extensive and focus on a symbolic act: Maulvi Nayyar refused to perform salat behind Mallam Yakubu at Ekrawfo’s mosque. The issue resonated with significance on both sides: Ahmadi Muslims were following exclusive practices, from the perspective of those who did not join, and for Ahmadi Muslims Mallam
Yakubu was not recognizing the Ahmadiyya. Whether or not the event happened as recounted, it stands in the public memory of Fante Muslims who did not accept the Ahmadiyya and moved their center to the village of Obonster. This village was northwest of Ekrawfo in Enyan, where Nana Kwamosa, a member of the royal family, welcomed the dissenters. Mallam Yakubu joined the Fante Muslims there but left shortly thereafter.

The leadership of the Obonster Muslim community fell to Hamidu, son of Nana Kwamosa and one of Mallam Yakubu’s best students; Hamidu was a member of the second generation of Fante Muslims, similar in age to M. A. Ishaque, but someone from the younger generation who came to a different conclusion about the merits of the Ahmadiyya.” Those who rejected the Ahmadiyya had concerns with its message, the demands it placed on individuals and the community, and English-language education. Hausa Muslim scholars concluded that Ghulam Ahmad’s teachings were unacceptable innovations, and those accepting Mallam Yakubu’s leadership likely heard him express similar opinions and came to the same conclusion. The new organizational arrangements of the Ahmadiyya were not immediately apparent, but the 1921 collection of funds to support a missionary mirrored what was to come: a movement led by an outsider supported by local funds. British canvassing of information about the Ahmadiyya uncovered testimony that some Fante Muslims refused to make contributions. This resistance tapped a deep strand in the Fante Muslim community, given Binyameen Sam’s views on Methodist “ticket money.” The desire to receive Muslim esoteric healing also may have been another reason some followed Mallam Yakubu and moved to Obonster. Reintroduction of English-language schools under the Ahmadiyya also encouraged the split. Fante Muslims disagreed about the merits of English-language schools at the turn of the nineteenth century, and many still remained opposed. Hamidu, the Fante Muslim who eventually led the Obonster Muslim community, was Mallam Yakubu’s student and had personal interests in pedagogical continuity. It was only a small group, however, that moved to Obonster. Most followed the example of M. A. Ishaque. He eventually taught Arabic at the Ahmadiyya mission at Saltpond: the vexing issue of education that divided the Fante Muslim community was not as divisive with both Arabic- and English-language instruction encouraged by the Ahmadiyya.

The new Fante Muslim center at Obonster was a creation of the split, and other Fante Muslims, outside those who assembled at Ekrawfo, existed in the Gold Coast in the early twentieth century. These communities had not been a part of the Fante Muslim network created by Binyameen Sam and Mahdi Appah.”! The arrival of Hausa and other Muslims at the coastal town of Winneba, east of Saltpond and a major center for commerce, produced Fante conversions to Islam in the early twentieth century. Some of these Fante Muslims joined the Ahmadiyyain the years ahead, but others did not. The Fante Muslims who did not accept the Ahmadiyya, including the community at Obonster, largely were tolerant of others who joined the movement. This experience contrasts with developments in Lagos, where Maulvi Nayyar’s visit had great initial success but was followed by several waves of acrimonious fission after his departure.

Fisher (See page 99) tells us that the Fante Muslims were there in 1921 when Nayyar landed in the Gold Coast. They had requested Nayyar via Amadu Ramano Pedro, who had been in Nigeria as early as 1910 and had written to the Ahmadiyya Movement in Qadian or London. Thus, Amadu Ramanu Pedro brought news of the Ahmadiyya to Fante Muslims in the Gold Coast in the late 1910s. Fante Muslims expressed interest and contributed funds so that Maulvi Nayyar would stop over on his way to Lagos.

During Maulvi Nayyar’s absence in the middle of 1921, the Fante Muslim community collected funds to support a residential Ahmadi missionary. Mahdi Appah led the effort, but Amadu Ramanu Pedro was in charge of depositing the money in the Saltpond branch of the Bank of West Africa. This accumulation depended on the generosity of Mahdi Appah and other wealthy cocoa farmers, but others also contributed, including members of Fante fishing communities along the coast.

Continue reading “Who were the Fante Muslims?” →

Intro
A few weeks before this death in 2003, Mirza Tahir Ahmad tells Ahmadi’s that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad is the final prophet (see the clip on twitter and tik tok). Qadiani-Ahmadi’s aren’t expecting any additional prophets in the future (see Abu Daqqa admit to this fact), they see their Khilafat as an eternal promise that will last until the day of judgement. When cornered on this, Qadiani-Ahmadi’s will say, only the Khalifa can claim prophethood. All of this goes back to MGA. Before 1901, MGA was claiming that anyone could become a prophet and it was a matter of prayer. In fact, from 1891 to 1900, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad denied his own prophethood 50-100 times.

In 1899 (Aug), MGA was prefacing his claim of being the second coming of Muhammad (Saw). MGA and his team of writers argued that if Muhammad (Saw) were born again in the dunya, then some people will be able to become like Abu Bakr (ra) and Umar (ra)(See Al-Hakam, vol. 3, no. 29, dated 17 August 1899, pp. 1-5, via Malfuzat-2, online English edition, page 44)(Listen to Bro Imtiaz explain it herein).

However, in 1901, MGA abruptly claimed prophethood, and a year later, MGA called himself as the Khatamul-Khulafa and claimed to be mentioned in 1:6 of the Quran, and he claimed to be the FINAL BRICK. MGA was claiming to be an Ummati-Nabi, this contradicted all of his previous comments, i.e., that a prophet could never be a follower. Remember, In 1890-91, in Izala Auham, MGA argued over and over again that a prophet could never be a follower of another prophet. MGA and his team of writers quoted the Quran, 4:64 (4:65 in the Ahmadi Quran) as evidence.

In 1904, MGA called himself the final brick of the prophets, just like Eisa (as) was also the Final brick of the Israeli chain of prophets (See RK-20, page-213,  Lecture Sialkot, pages 16-17, online English edition, via Bro Imtiaz vs. Saleem Meer, 3:10:15).

In 1906-1907, MGA was claiming in Haqiqatul Wahy that he was the only person in the entire Muslim ummah to be given the title of prophet. MGA was claiming to be Muhammad (Saw)(astagfarullah), and thus, MGA was claiming to be the FINAL prophet.

In 1911,after MGA died, an Ahmadi, Muhammad Zahir Al-Din wrote a book wherein he discussed the prophethood of MGA and its implications of Kufr upon the Muslims of the world. Muhammad Zahir Al-Din was promoting MGA as a law-bearing prophethood and wasn’t immediately kicked out of Ahmadiyya by the 1st Khalifa. In fact, the 1st Khalifa (Nur ud Din) didn’t care if MGA claimed law-bearing prophethood.

In 1915 (Jan), the 2nd Khalifa, Mirza Basheer ud Din Mahmud Ahmad wrote Qaul al-Fasl and Haqiqatun Nubuwwat in March of 1915, wherein he quoted 7:35, 4:69, 2:5 and 61:6 as verses from the Quran wherein MGA was explained as a prophet to come. MGA had never used these verse to argue pro-prophethood. The 2nd Khalifa claimed that 1000’s of prophets could come. The 2nd Khalifa even twisted 2:4 of the Quran and claimed that there were additional revelations that Muslims must believe in after the Quran. Further, in 1915, Ahmadi’s claim that Surah Fatiha has a mention of MGA, specifically in the Quran 1:6 (1:7, in the Qadiani Quran). Also in 1915, an Ahmadi scholar said that it was disrespectful to call MGA an Ummati-Nabi, since he was Muhammad (Saw)(astagfarullah)(see the scans in the below). The ROR of Dec-1915 has an article, “Ahmad, the Messenger of the Latter Days”. In this same era, MGA was called the Messenger of the latter days.

In 1915 (Jun-29), Maulvi Rajecki made the argument that it was disrespectful to simply call MGA as an “Ummati-Nabi”. Maulvi Rajecki argued that it was like calling Muhammad (Saw) an “Ummati-Nabi”. He went on to argue that MGA=Muhammad (saw)(astagfarullah)(See the al Fazl June 29, 1915, p. 7) via 62:3 (akhireena minhum) and his denial was kufr. The title of the article is “Akhiri zamanay mein ek Rasul ka maboos hona zahir hotha hai aur wo masih mawood hai”. Roughly 60 years later, and during the 1974 NA hearings, Mirza Nasir Ahmad was questioned about this quotation from 1915. He lied and said that this doesn’t exist in any edition and will never be found. In 2026 (May-21), Amir Haq quoted (59:29 timestamp) this exact reference and explained how Maulvi Rajecki had argued that MGA is not simply “ghulam-e-Ahmad”, he is “Ahmad”. Amir Haq also explained how there are other statements of the Maulvi Rajecki wherein he said that only MGA was the second coming of Muhammad (Saw)(naozobillah).

In 1915 (July-15), according to Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmud Ahmad (the sitting Khalifa), Mirza Ghulam Ahmad referred to Muhammad (ﷺ)‎ as “hilal” and to himself as “badr” (See the Al-Fazl, July-15-1915). Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmud Ahmad (the sitting Khalifa) alleged that it’s compulsory that the person who denies the second coming (i.e. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad) is a GREATER disbeliever than the one who denies the first coming (i.e. Muhammad ﷺ). Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmud Ahmad (the sitting Khalifa) said that per the decree of Minhum (per Quran 62:3), it has been established that similar to the followers of previous prophets being Naaji (heavenly group), all others are Naari (hellfire group), Kuffar and outside the realm of Islam. And, to include the deniers of the first coming of Prophet Muhammad (ﷺ)‎ within the fold of Islam is an insult to him and a mockery of the Quranic verses. MGA drew a comparison between the first and second coming, likening them to Hilal and Badr in his Khutbah Ilhamia. This makes it mandatory to acknowledge that the Kuffar of the second coming have surpassed in their kufr those kuffar who rejected the first coming.

In 1915 (Dec), via the Tashhiz-ul-Azhan newspaper (Dec-1915, pages 34, 76&77), it was written that people have objected on MGA, why is MGA is the only 1 Buruz who was to come as Muhammad (Saw)? Can there be more Buruz? The answer was given that only MGA as the Promised Messiah was Buruz, no one else! Only MGA is the Kamal Buruz (perfect Buruz). This is the reason that MGA said only HE was called a prophet in the entire ummah. In 2026 (May-18), Bro Imtiaz streamed with Smile2Jannah (12:31 time stamp) and explained this ref.

In 1916 (Feb), we also have references wherein MGA is called: “””….the last prophet, the last Maseeh, last Adam, the last mujadid, the last musleh, the last Khalifa, the last Imam, the last brick…””” (See Tasheezul Adhan, Feb-16, Page-5)(See scan in the below).

In 1917, via the Jan edition of the ROR has an article, “Ahmad, the Messenger of the Latter Days” (Part-1). The ROR of Feb-March-1917 has an article, “Ahmad, the Messenger of the Latter Days” (Part-2) translated into English by Abul Hashem Khan (M.A.). The ROR of June-1917 has an article, “Ahmad, the Messenger of the Latter Days” (Part-3) translated into english by Abul Hashem Khan (M.A.).

In 1921, via “Aenas Sadaqat” (1921, Truth about the Split, see page 18), the son of MGA used the phraseology “Khatam-ul-Khulafa” as he argued that MGA was like Esa (as) and was the FINAL prophet of that dispensation.

In 1924, a book by the 2nd Khalifa was published, “Ahmad, the Messenger of the Latter Days”. Many of the scans can be found herein too.

In 2026 (May-18), Bro Imtiaz streamed with Smile2Jannah (12:31 time stamp) and explained how in Dec-1915, via the Tashhiz-ul-Azhan newspaper (Dec-1915, pages 34, 76&77), it was written that people have objected on MGA,  why is MGA is the only 1 Buruz who was to come as Muhammad (Saw)? Can there be more Buruz? The answer was given that only MGA as the Promised Messiah was Buruz, no one else! Only MGA is the Kamal Buruz (perfect Buruz). This is the reason that MGA said only HE was called a prophet in the entire ummah.

Continue reading “Is Muhammad (saw) the FINAL prophet or is MGA the FINAL prophet per Qadiani-Ahmadi’s?” →

Intro
On today’s live stream, a Muslim man from the Gambia, Alhaji Bai Sainey Secka (A Sufi from the Tijaniyya sect) explained how Ahmadi’s are living in the Gambia. He objected to the fact that Ahmadi’s refuse to pray behind Muslims in the Gambia and how it is disrespectful.

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Links and Related Essay’s

The history of Ahmadiyya in the Gambia – ahmadiyyafactcheckblog

Tijaniyyah – Wikipedia

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#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #messiahhascome #ahmadiyyat #trueislam #ahmadianswers #ahmadiyyamuslimcommunity #ahmadiyya_creatives #ahmadiyyatthetrueislam #ahmadiyyatzindabad #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiyyamuslim #mirzaghulamahmad #qadiani #qadianism

Intro
See at 4:20:44 mark, Ibrahim Ikhlaf gets nervous as Tamim Abu Daqqa talks about how in practice, Ahmadi’s don’t believe in any additional prophets and thus MGA is the Final prophet in Ahmadiyya. The clip is also on tik tok.

Continue reading “Ibrahim Ikhlaf vs. Tamim Abu Daqqa” →

Intro
In 2023, this book is available in english. MGA and his team of writers made up a silly lie about Arabic being the mother tongue of humans, they even said that the language of Allah is Arabic. Ahmadiyya sources claim that this book began in 1895 (See Dard pages 439-443) and wasn’t completed until 1915 and then published (see the forward) by the 2nd Khalifa (Dard also alleges that an advertisement for this book was attached to Nur ul Quran). The book was published again on June 28-1922, [per the order of the 2nd Khalifa. The 1915 edition seems to have been destroyed by the Qadianis, it is totally missing, 1922 edition is also missing.

This book was originally in Arabic (with a translation in Urdu), an english translation was created and published in 1979 by the Ahmadiyya Movement in Nigeria.
Continue reading ““Minan ur Rahman” (1915), book review and famous quotes” →

Intro
Check out this book by Nathan Samwini. Also check out Fisher and his detailed work on Ahmadiyya in West Africa. Check out my essay on the history of Ahmadiyya in Ghana.

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Links and Related Essay’s

Nathan Samwini — The Interfaith Observer

The Muslim Resurgence in Ghana Since 1950: Its Effects Upon Muslims and … – Nathan Samwini – Google Books

“Ahmadiyya, A Study in contemporary Islam on the West African Coast” by Humphrey J. Fisher (1963) – ahmadiyyafactcheckblog

The history of Ahmadiyya in Ghana – ahmadiyyafactcheckblog

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Tags

#ahmadiyya #ahmadiyyafactcheckblog #messiahhascome #ahmadiyyat #trueislam #ahmadianswers #ahmadiyyamuslimcommunity #ahmadiyya_creatives #ahmadiyyatthetrueislam #ahmadiyyatzindabad #ahmadiyyatrueislam #ahmadiyyamuslim #mirzaghulamahmad #qadiani #qadianism